Comparing the Geneva Demo of June 2015 With the Asmara Demo of March 1965
Wednesday, 08 July 2015 23:54 Written by By Woldeyesus AmmarBut I confessed to every inquirer that, while I was at the midst of the Geneva demo on 26 June, I was also thinking of a similar event that took place in Asmara 50 years earlier. Therefore, my responses to friends were based on new thoughts and old memories that led me to the conclusion that the two events were strikingly similar in many ways, although separated by a time span of half a century!!
Needless to say, the Geneva demonstration was historic and will prove to be a hugely important turning point in the current struggle for democratic change. Similarly, to me and to some members of my generation, the demonstration of 8 March 1965 in the Eritrean capital did positively influence developments in the Eritrean struggle for national independence.
Two related historic events of Asmara 1965 and Geneva 2015 separated only by span of time.
Youth-Initiated, Inspiring Occurrences
As we have witnessed, the 26 June demo in Geneva was the biggest such event ever organized by the Eritrean opposition camp. It was mainly organized and dominated by young Eritreans in exile who helped bring in one place such a huge number of freedom fighters. Participants willingly availed themselves for jointly expressing their utter frustration with the sad condition prevailing at home. The event was inspiring. For many, it indeed was a birth of a new activism for doing something to change a very bad situation. Almost every demonstrator was being heard vowing to never again be silent observer of what is happening to the country and its people. To say it in other words, even the ones who were there simply to see and, for the first time ever as demonstrators, will never again remain the same. They are enthused to climb and ride the bandwagon of justice seekers.
Likewise, the March 1965 demonstration in Asmara was conducted by teen-age students who became aware of the worsening condition of the Eritrean people under alien rule. Before that time, Asmara witnessed a number of student demonstrations in 1957 and later continued student activism between 1961 and 1964. But no student demonstration was like the one of March 1965. It inspired so many young people to join the then growing armed struggle. Even the elementary and middle school children of the day (like EPDP’s Menghesteab Asmerom and Tesfai Degiga who also were with us in Geneva demo on 26 June) could not escape from being much, much influenced by the events of the time.
Also like the Geneva demonstration of last month, which was organized by the full participation of all activists in the camp of justice seekers, the event in Asmara 50 years ago was also organized in an inclusive manner - all the then existing secondary schools of the day in Asmara took part in its preparation although the Prince Makonnen Secondary School was the usual initiator..
As we know, the Geneva demo was organized both to give support to the UN report on Eritrea and at the same time demand for more from the international community to help change the intolerable Eritrea situation.
Likewise, the Asmara demo of March 1965 was partly a call on the UN “to be seized” of what was happening in Eritrea; condemn the abuses of the occupation authorities, and then take concrete measures to help the release of political prisoners and give moral and political support to Eritreans fighting for freedom.
Change of Political Climate
After March 1965, the political climate in Asmara was changed. The key words that can characterize the period that followed the 1965 demo were: mobilization and active participation. Students were organized in effective cells, and people in and around the national capital wanted to know more about the armed struggle and to find ways of helping it in any way possible. This writer and a few other compatriots were forced by fate to attend both the Asmara and Geneva demonstrations can be taken as good witnesses.
Building Momentum
It was only a week after the 8 March 1965 Asmara demo that the then youthful Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestai) and Dawit Temesghen left Asmara to join the freedom fighters in the field (Meda). The now notorious Isayas Afeworki, his victims Haile Woldetensae (DuruE) and Mussie Tesfamichael, as well as Ahmed Nasser, Tesfai Tecle and many others who followed them in 1966. Many of the nearly 3,000 students who were imprisoned for about two days without food at Sembel after the 1965 demonstration either joined the armed wing of the struggle in due course of time or remained active mobilizes and organizers of the struggle. The Asmara demo of 1965 was, therefore, a momentum builder to the then nascent national awakening for independence.
The 26 June 2015 event in Geneva now appears to have created a rare opportunity that should not be missed in closing the ranks of the existing forces of change both inside the homeland and abroad. It is a gold momentum for mobilization of the youth, and uncommon opportunity to be seized in order for us to realize a much needed national salvation. The youth of the 1960s and 70s joined the then existing organization(s) and built upon it. Our youth in 2015 can do the same. Why not!
Printed below for the benefit of those readers who might not have seen it is an article on student activism of the 60s that appeared in the Journal of Eritrean Studies in 1997. Good reading
THE ROLE OF ASMARA STUDENTS IN
THE ERITREAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT: 1958-68
By
Woldeyesus Ammar
An Overview
Due to Italian colonial policy on education,[i] there was a discernible absence of students and student activism during the 1940s when the fate of Eritrea was being discussed at international forums. That lack of sufficient educated elders and students let the political stage be dominated by traditional leaders and their type of sectarian politics. However, the situation changed during the phase of the liberation struggle.
The British care-taker administration (1941-1952) promoted education.[ii] This policy was continued by the Eritrean Government formed under the federal arrangement voted by the United Nations. Within a decade, Eritrea had a sizable intelligentsia with intermediate education as the number of students beyond the elementary level grew considerably.[iii] A few more were studying outside Eritrea. During the 1960s, there were more than 300 Eritrean students pursuing higher studies in Cairo.[iv] Another 800 or so Eritreans were enrolled in institutions of higher learning in Ethiopia.[v] School children who were subjected to parading and singing propaganda for a pro-Ethiopian party during 1946-56, had by late 1950s become reluctant to respond to non-Eritrean sentiments.[vi] Developments in Eritrea and the surrounding region inspired many students to take up politics as their extra-curricular activity. Thus, Eritrean students were destined to make a remarkable contribution in the growth of the nationalist movement. As Tahir Fadab, an active leadership cadre of the Eritrean Liberation Movement, affirmed in his recent book on the history of the ELM (or "Mahber Showate") covering the period 1958-1966,
We are obliged to record for history that Eritrean students, both those inside and outside the country, merit a lion's share of the credit for having kept momentum of the nationalist movement until the final liberation.[vii]
It is argued that the movement for Eritrean independence was in a relative decline after the installation of the Federation, but that it was revived in the late 1950s mainly as an idea promoted by students - "fikra tulabia".[viii] An Eritrean student of history confirmed that "be it in Asmara, in Addis or in Cairo, those who propagated to keep the spirit [of Eritrean independence] alive were mainly young students".[ix]
The fact that the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established with an overwhelming participation of students in Cairo[x] further attests their overall contribution in the rebirth of the nationalist movement.
Asmara students followed in the footsteps of those in Cairo and from the start played an important role in instilling nationalist feeling among the population. Between 1961 and 1965, in particular, they organized demonstrations almost yearly in the Eritrean capital and helped create awareness about the struggle for independence in part of the country where Eritreanism was initially weak.
The same generation of Asmara students continued to contribute immensely in the growth and eventual victory of the liberation movement. Some of those students are easily identifiable and still active either with the government in Asmara or with the main opposition group so far kept in exile. The then Prince Makonnen Secondary School (PMSS) produced the most militant group of students in the 1960s, among whom was Issayas Afeworqi, the founder-leader of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and incumbent President of the State of Eritrea. The other centre of student politics was the Haile Selassie I Secondary School (HSISS) where Ahmed Mohammed Nasser, Chairman of the mainstream ELF between 1975-95, was among the agitators.
This article is intended to initiate discussion on the role of Asmara students in rousing nationalist sentiments during 1958-1968.[xi] It will review the general political environment that influenced students to act as they did during that period; outline the major activities undertaken by Asmara students in the 1960s, and summarize under a few points the significance of those early student activities in the growth of nationalist awareness, especially among the population in the Eritrean highlands.
PART I
INFLUENCING FACTORS
There wouldn't have been a student movement or an Eritrean liberation movement, for that matter, without the right political environment on local, regional and international levels. Ethiopia's social, economic and political backwardness and its systematic policies to erode Eritrea's special status were among the central causes that helped nurture a nationalist feeling in the territory. The modern forces, among them the students and their teachers, started to feel unhappy of the link with feudal Ethiopia when former colonial territories in Africa - many of them at least as small and as "unviable" as Eritrea - started to emerge as independent states. Other factors that influenced the political thinking of Asmara students included the emergence of Arab and other national liberation movements in the Third World; activities of Cairo students; memories of the March 1958 general workers' strike and activities of the ELM. How those developments influenced Asmara students merit further explanation.
1) Ethiopia's Contributions
Ethiopia's encroachments on the UN-installed federal arrangement for Eritrea were excessively blatant from the very beginning. Trade unions and political parties were banned, journalists were incarcerated arbitrarily and the local press muzzled. Elections to the Eritrean Assembly were rigged, and Ethiopian laws introduced in violation of the Federal Act. The Eritrean flag, a strong emotional symbol of Eritrea's national aspirations, was discarded and Amharic was introduced as the language of instruction replacing Tigrigna and Arabic.
As Eritrea became more closely tied to Addis Ababa after 1952, it became clear to many who had hitherto favoured some sort of union with Haile Selassie's government that the fears of those who opposed union were well founded.[xii]
The political suppression, which bred general frustration, was compounded by economic distress. The Unionist[xiii] propaganda of the 1940s had presented Ethiopia as the Promised Land of milk and honey. But when the Federation was put into effect, there was little that Ethiopia could contribute to the well-being of the Eritrean people. To the contrary, concerted action was taken to kill the new political arrangement both politically and economically. Many economic establishments were shut down and told to reopen in Addis Ababa. Number of industrial workers went down from 32,400 in 1947 to 10,350 in 1962.[xiv] Jobless Eritreans thus had to migrate to Ethiopia and to neighbouring countries.
As years went by, Eritreans observed all social and economic indicators revealing that Ethiopia was lagging far behind the young states in Africa. In 1960, for instance, about 62% of school age children in neighbouring Kenya went to school while the figure for Ethiopia was only 7%.[xv] Furthermore, Ethiopia's undemocratic governance and its archaic feudal practices disheartened the Eritreans, especially the youth.
A large segment of the population, including former supporters of union with Ethiopia, started talking vehemently against the political and economic measures of the Ethiopian government in Eritrea. Students were imbued with the bitter grumble of elders - and no wonder that they were to become the best agents to articulate a deepening frustration in the society.
In December 1960, a coup attempt in Addis Ababa further reminded Eritreans that the Ethiopian Emperor, who was seen as a stumbling block to Eritrean national aspirations, may soon go away and that they would better prepare for that eventuality without procrastination.
2) Decolonization and Asmara Students
Decolonization of Africa was another important development that helped steam up a nationalist awakening in Eritrea. Between 1956 and 1966, 33 former colonies in Africa attained independent statehood; of this, 16 became independent during 1960. (Eritreans hastened to declare an armed struggle a year later.)
When Eritrea's case was being debated in the United Nations, economic viability of the colonial territory, the 'right' of access to the sea of landlocked Ethiopia, historical and cultural affinity of neighbouring peoples, and the size of its population were among the issues and arguments considered at reaching a decision on the fate of Eritrea. Eritrean students in 1960 observed that those arguments were not raised against the other former colonial states and resented the fact that their country's case had been brought to the UN General Assembly at a wrong time. An American writer expressed it well when he wrote,
... the political developments in Eritrea during the 1940s foreshadowed the rise of African nationalism across the continent a decade later, but unfortunately for the Eritreans, they were perhaps too early. The international stage was not yet set for decolonization and [that] first skirmish with European colonialism was met with a solid united front of opposition from the colonial powers.[xvi]
3) Arab Nationalism/Third World Movements
Among the first to be influenced were those Eritrean students who were directly exposed to the Arabic language broadcasts and writings of the Arab nationalist movement awakened by the charismatic Jamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt. Tuning to Cairo became a long-lasting habit to many Eritrean nationalists with some knowledge of Arabic. More Eritrean ears listened to broadcasts from Cairo following Cairo's Tigrigna language programmes for a short period in 1956. The Tigrigna broadcasts had additional significance because the presenter was none other than Woldeab Woldemariam, a leading nationalist who had a great political appeal to many Eritreans.
The Algerian struggle for independence and, in general, the Third World liberation movement, which was building up encouraged by the collapse of colonialism and the vocal support of the Socialist camp, inspired Eritrean youth to join the new wave.
4) Influence of Cairo Students
Eritrean youth looking for better schooling or jobs were, as of mid-1940s, trekking to Cairo through all possible routes. Most of them travelled without legitimate documents. In 1952, a student association was formed in Cairo.[xvii] By the late 1950s, Cairo became a centre of Eritrean student movement with far-reaching influences. Many of those students were returning to Eritrea on family visits, and some went on missions with political agenda. One such prominent visitor was Saied Hussein, known to some as the 'dynamo' of the student movement in Cairo.[xviii] In one of his visits to Asmara, he tried to carry out a military operation but was arrested.[xix]
Cairo students, whose club became an information desk on developments in Eritrea, organized many anti-Ethiopian demonstrations during the 1950s and early 1960s which influenced the students in Asmara.
5) The March 1958 General Strike
The workers' strike of March 1958 was the single most defiant reaction in the 1950s to Ethiopian abuses in Eritrea. School children in Massawa, Asmara, Keren and other urban centres watched the massive demonstrations staged by angry adults who forced shops and businesses closed. Some of the demonstrations were quite bloody. Nine persons were reported killed and over 500 wounded.[xx] Students saw blood-letting for the first time. The contributor of this article was a fifth grader in Keren and watched injured persons being rushed towards the hospital.
Before the year 1958 ended, the ELM was founded in Port Sudan by young Eritreans[xxi] who as students in the 1950s "were caught in the rising tide of Sudanese nationalism and the excitement of independence in 1956".[xxii] By 1960, ELM claimed to have established many cells in Asmara. The movement initially concentrated on recruiting Moslem elements because of old fears of Unionist (i.e. Ethiopian) tendencies in the highlands. But its organizers were "caught by surprise" when students and workers in Asmara responded to ELM's call with great enthusiasm.[xxiii]
PART II
POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF ASMARA STUDENTS
The period under consideration can be divided into two distinct phases of the student movement in Asmara. The formative stage, extending between 1958 to mid-1965, could be termed as the period of spontaneous action.[xxiv] It was followed by a period of organized activities lasting between late 1965 to mid-1967. By 1968, the student movement inside the country was in a state of utter collapse paradoxically at a time when global student militancy was at its peak. (Eritrean students in the Middle East and Europe fared better than their compatriot students in Asmara and Addis Ababa.[xxv])
a) Spontaneous Action
As noted, the general discontent of the population was gradually impacting on young school children in the country. Despite lack of organization, students in Asmara were engaged in political activities starting in the late 1950s. Some were acting on their own - some writing graffiti wherever they could lay their hands, others mailing letters to government officials accusing them of sell-out to Ethiopia.[xxvi] Individual efforts developed to group, but still spontaneous, action. Among well remembered incidents of the second half of the 1950s include a student strike at Benevolente school, popularly known as Islamia,[xxvii] and an 'uprising' at the HSISS in which students destroyed their dormitory and damaged school furniture opposing, among other administrative complaints, a suggested introduction of Amharic as the language of instruction in Eritrea.[xxviii]
Those events were given political significance by succeeding generation of students.[xxix] It is also claimed that workers' demonstrations of March 1958 had as many student participants as workers.[xxx]
In September 1961, the two major high schools in Asmara received a larger number of 9th graders than at any time before. PMSS alone doubled its total population to about 350 by accommodating six new classes in grade nine from among whom cropped up a nucleus of a militant group. This new numerical strength of high school students helped increase the frequency of spontaneous activities.
The declaration of the armed struggle was not immediately known to many people in Asmara. Most parents and relatives learned about it when their children were detained or beaten by the police while demonstrating or writing wall slogans in support of the armed struggle for independence. As of early 1962, PMSS became the origin of anti-Ethiopian graffiti and leaflets distributed in the city.[xxxi] At one point, the Eritrean Police Commissioner, Tedla Ogbit,[xxxii] had to come to PMSS to harangue the students on this problem. Written in bold characters on the gate of PMSS was the slogan: "Long Live Hamid Awate!".[xxxiii] In his address the Police Commissioner furiously mentioned what he read at the gate and warned that stern measures would be taken against those engaged in 'subversive' activities.
During the early 1960s, Asmara students staged demonstrations whose political significance and mobilizational effect in reviving Eritrean nationalist feeling was quite high. Ethiopian authorities who foresaw the possible long-term consequences were deeply frightened. PMSS was again the organizer of this form of agitation.[xxxiv]
The most significant demonstrations of that early period were the ones staged in May 1962 and in March 1965. A brief description of those two events can help shed light not only on the spontaneity of the activities and the relatively advanced degree of political consciousness of the high school students in that early period but also the direct and indirect effect of those demonstrations on the general population.
i) The May 1962 Demonstration
The May 1962 demonstration, which marked the debut of student activism following the declaration of the armed struggle, was incited by a handful students at PMSS[xxxv]. The Eritrean Assembly was scheduled to meet for a controversial debate on the budget. During previous debates in the Assembly, outspoken legislators questioned the Ethiopian Emperor's "generous grant" of 1 million Ethiopian birr to help the Eritrean Government correct a budget deficit in its 1960/61 total expenditures of 18 million birr[xxxvi]. It was felt that a group of students demonstrating in front of the Eritrean Assembly would sway the 68 Eritrean legislators. The students hoped, genuinely but quite naively, that their action would bring about an overnight change on the status of Eritrea!
To that end, a circular was passed to all classes in PMSS informing that a demonstration would be held on 22 May 1962, the day the Assembly was scheduled to meet, and that every student was expected to participate. A spontaneous student assembly inside PMSS was informed that every student would have to write "something about Eritrea" in several copies for distribution during the demonstration. This writer was the sole speaker at that short meeting. That was all. There was no group discussion to organize it nor any participation from outside PMSS. After spending most of the morning hours in utter confusion, the PMSS students went in large groups to incite HSISS students, where the majority were still reluctant to join the demonstration. Finally, a mob action prevailed and students of the two schools started to march (rather, run!) through the main road towards the Eritrean Assembly building in the centre of the city. By then, policemen and security agents were posted in every corner. Thus, no peaceful demonstration could be pursued, nor could the students gather near the Assembly (parliament) building. However, they managed to run past it singing:
Natsinet Delina!
Haghizuna![xxxvii]
This simple phrase reverberated in the heart of Asmara and undoubtedly roused high emotions. Many by-standers joined the singing and running students.[xxxviii] Horse-mounted policemen chased many of the 'demonstrators' across the Grand Mosque and St. Mary's Church towards Biet Ghiorgis on the way to Massawa. Many students were beaten and detained at several police centres including at Caserma Mussolini.[xxxix] Disturbances continued for a week by students demanding the release of detained students. A defiant student assembly was organized at Mai Anbessa, north of Asmara, and added resolve to the continuation of the demonstrations. Primary and middle school students in Asmara and the other Eritrean towns also boycotted classes in solidarity with those arrested during the demonstrations.
Many parents, whose political stance was undecided, found the action of their children and the general direction of political developments quite disconcerting. They were unhappy of Ethiopia's violations of the Federal Act but continued to think that it was too late to fight for Eritrean autonomy let alone total independence. It seemed difficult to challenge the King of Kings of Ethiopia and to ignore the influence of the Orthodox Church. Majority of the elders wondered whether a small country like Eritrea would exist without a "king". The young students did not share the worries and fears of their parents.
Ethiopian authorities dreaded the prospect of a nationalist awakening among Christian Eritreans. Now they saw it coming true. Their security apparatus thus resorted to all sorts of physical and psychological torture and intimidation to suppress any opposition.[xl] Students and school teachers were among many who were jailed or ordered to report to security offices for finger printing and photographing. As one member of the American Consulate in Asmara reported,
A number of those who participated in demonstrations were severely treated by the police and stories of police brutality were being more widespread. [xli]
The suppressive measures served the Eritrean cause by breeding more anti-Ethiopian sentiments. The May 1962 student demonstrations and the 7 July 1962 attack on government officials in Agordat were important political events of the year. Those two incidents might even have contributed in hastening Ethiopia's decision to dissolve the Federation on 14 November 1992.
ii) The March 1965 Demonstration
The other most important demonstration of the 1960s in Asmara took place between 8-12 March 1965. Again there was no student union organizing action nor did the ELF or ELM take any part in its preparation.[xlii] It was a semi-organized action started when a few politically conscious elements at PMSS felt that it was time for Asmara demonstrations to be reported on the BBC like the February 1965 "Land to the Tiller" demonstration of the Ethiopian university students in Addis Ababa. This time it was decided to broaden participation by inviting other schools. A meeting was called in which representatives from HSISS and the Point Four Technical School attended.[xliii] The representatives agreed on points that had to be propagated through placards and pamphlets. The main student demands were the following:
1) That the UN should forcefully condemn the Ethiopian annexation of Eritrea and the General Assembly be 'seized of the matter' as it promised on October 17,1952; 2) that the UN should hold a referendum on the future status of Eritrea; 3) closure of the American base of Kagnew Station in Asmara; 4) expulsion of Israeli military personnel; 5) release of all political prisoners, and 6) [that Ethiopia should] stop closing schools and industrial establishments in Eritrea.[xliv]
The government was better prepared to deal with the 1965 demonstration than in the past. Rubber-stick wielding police and trainees of commando units filled the streets of Asmara from early morning. Police vans were deployed at many places in the city. Students came out of their schools lined up for a "peaceful demonstration" and pleaded to be left alone to exercise their right to demonstrate as that right was enshrined in the Eritrean Constitution. However, the police started beating them towards the prepared trucks. About 2,000 students were beaten and forcefully transported for detention at an anti-ELF Commando training centre at Sembel in the outskirts of Asmara. The students spent about 40 hours at the detention centre without any food supply.[xlv] All schools in Eritrea boycotted classes in solidarity with Asmara students. As this writer noted it elsewhere,
That student activism had a more lasting effect on the Eritrean armed struggle than a number of other undertakings by the nationalists at that difficult epoch. This was because: (a) a political action in the heart of the Eritrean capital was seen as a serious challenge to the locally awed and respected person of Emperor Haile Selassie; (b) news of the students' activities were easily carried to every part of the country by scared relatives; and, above all, (c) Asmara students rallying behind the Eritrean nationalist movement signified that the Kabassan population, the most important other half of the Eritrean people, will not for long lag far behind the other segments of the society in the nationalist cause. Those in Cairo and Kassala fully appreciated its far reaching significance.[xlvi]
This viewpoint is entertained by many student militants of the period.[xlvii] Ahmed Nasser described Asmara students of 1960s as "the generation that made a generous contribution to help create the present realities in Eritrea".[xlviii] Seyoum Ogbamichael sees that one cannot think of increased nationalist reawakening among the population in Asmara without the important contribution by students in the early 1960s.[xlix] To Gherezghiher Tewelde, another student actor during the second half of the 1960s, the demonstrations initially had more influence on the students themselves than on the general population. However, taking into consideration the fact that many of those students became fighters, political cadres and front leaders, "one can comfortably say that the demonstrations indeed played a significant role" in the nationalist movement.[l]
2) Organized Action
The student militancy of 1961-65 recounted above was conducted without formal structure. Real organization started in August 1965 by two ELF envoys sent from Kassala to create cells of mass organizations in Asmara. The two were Woldedawit Temesghen and Seyoum Ogbamichael of PMSS who joined the ELF in the Sudan soon after the March 1965 demonstrations in Asmara.[li]
During their two-week meetings in Asmara until their arrest on 30 August 1965,[lii] Woldedawit and Seyoum discussed with friends and trusted nationalists a general plan of establishing mass organizations for students, teachers and others on the basis of occupation and location. In the fall of 1965, Siraj Ibrahim, another ELF envoy was in Asmara organizing a student union. Meetings were held in Biet Ghiorghis for students from various secondary schools in the city.[liii]
During 1966, the system was improved by another ELF envoy, Ghilai Ghirmai,[liv] who entrusted the PMSS student committee[lv] with the task of centralizing activities of other committees in Asmara. According to the new structure, every school with an ELF cell appointed a representative to liaise activities with the PMSS committee. The PMSS committee was reporting directly to the Revolutionary Command of the ELF headquartered in Kassala, Sudan
The newly organized student movement, still led by PMSS, took quick action and within 1966 formed branch unions in the provinces.[lvi] Student cells thus flourished in groups of five members throughout the high schools in the country. Truck and bus drivers were recruited to facilitate communication between the different towns. The organized student movement in Asmara called itself "the General Union of Eritrean Students". An organization of the same name was to be established in Damascus in late 1968.[lvii]
Other normal everyday activities included distribution of pamphlets, gathering basic information for the ELF as required, recruiting cell members, and agitating in the city through various forms. Among memorable feats of the young union was a sabotage work which succeeded to partly weaken public attendance at a major government preparation in 1966 to celebrate the 25th anniversary of Haile Selassie's return to his throne and to inaugurate a new title of 'Ras' for Prince Asrate Kassa, the Emperor's Representative in Eritrea.[lviii] The ELF student cells posted their members at key junctions in the city and misinformed their schoolmates to return home because the day's ceremonies were cancelled until further notice.[lix]
The union rented three houses where it accommodated ELF fighters coming for military operations inside Asmara. Activities of student cells were progressing well until March 1967 when Gherezghiher Tewelde and other PMSS committee members either joined the ELF or were arrested.[lx] Those who replaced them in the committee were also arrested or went underground. Some joined the ELF army in the semi-liberated areas.
Similarly the pioneer group of PMSS student militants of the period were instrumental in forming cells for the ELF in the university campuses in Addis Ababa. For practical reasons and purposes of this article, the student cells in the Ethiopian capital can be treated as continuation in an organized form of student activism in Asmara. Based on the organizational guidelines discussed with Woldedawit and Seyoum during the summer of 1965, the cells in Addis created a central committee to run activities inside the Haile Selassie I University. And as in Asmara, former PMSS students centralized university cells in the Ethiopian capital.[lxi] Several groups were formed although the majority of university students were kept as sympathizers. Some students who volunteered to
[i] In 1939, there were only 4,117 primary school pupils in Eritrea and Tigray, then treated as one administrative unit. Between 1894 and 1940, missionaries in Eritrea taught a grand total of only 20,000 pupils in Italian and native languages (see Report of the UN Commissioner for Eritrea, Vol.1, Beirut: ELF-PLF reproduction,1977), p.74.
[ii]. In 1952, there were 14,897 students in 100 primary, 14 intermediate and 2 secondary schools, and 30 students were pursuing higher studies abroad (see G.K.N. Trevaskis, Eritrea: A Colony in Transition, 1941-52; London: Oxford University Press, 1960) p.34.
[iii]. During academic year 1961/62, total number of students reached 38,000 of which 1,372 were in academic high schools and vocational institutions (see Statistical Abstract, Addis Ababa, 1963) p.106.
[iv]. John Markakis, National and Class Struggle in the Horn of Africa ,(Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1987) p.109. Jaffar Ali Assad (interview, 24.9.95) affirmed that by mid-1965 there were 700 students in Cairo. By 1980, the figure reached 2,000 (see Markakis, Ibid, p.283, footnote 13).
[v]. Markakis, Ibid, footnote 37, p. 285.
6. Mewail Mebrahtu (letter dated 15.1.96).
[vii]. Tahir Ibrahim Fadab, Al-Haraka Al-Eritria Wa Masirataha Al-Tarikiya, (Beirut: Al-Shiruq Printing Press, 1994) p.212. The movement was known as "Haraka" in Arabic and "Mahber Showate" or association of seven in Tigrigna because it proliferated in cells of seven members.
[viii]. Jaffar (1995) called it "a student idea" without denying the fact that students were articulating a general discontent of the population.
[ix]. Ismail Ali (letter dated 17.7.95).
x.. The following students were among the key founders of the ELF in Cairo during the spring of 1960: Abdulkerim Ahmed, Adem Akte, Hamid Turki, Ibrahim Idris (Blenai), Idris Osman Ghelaidos, Mohammed Saleh Hummed, Mohammed Ali Omaro, Mohammed Ali Afarora, Mohammed Saied Omar (Antata), Ramadan Mohammed Nur, Saied Hussein and Taha Mohammed Nur. (sources: Mohammed Saleh Hummed to author in Beirut, 1978; many other informants confirmed, including Jaffar, 1995).
[xi]. Due to shortage of printed material on the subject, this writer had to depend mainly on memories of participants in the events and his own recollections.
xii. Lloyd Ellingson, "The Emergence of Political Parties in Eritrea, 1941-50", Journal of African History, Vol.28 (2) 1977, p.261.
[xiii]. The Unionist Party of the 1940s was financed and manipulated by the Ethiopian Government. Its main platform was religion backed by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.
[xiv]. Dimtsi Serahtegna Vol. 1(3), Asmara, August 1995.
[xv]. Aristide Zolberg et al, Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World (London: Oxford UP, 1989) p.108.
16. Don Connell,"The Birth of the Eritrean Nation", Horn of Africa Journal, vol. 3(1), Jan/March 1980, p.18.
[xvii]. Fajir Al-Wihda No.37, 1990. The student grouping in Cairo had changed its name several times - Eritrean Students Club, League, Union - until it became a branch of the General Union of Eritrean Students (GUES) created in Damascus in late 1968 and early 1969.
[xviii]. Jaffar (1995).
[xix]. Jimie Ahmed (Kassel, Germany, 13.8.95). In the early 1960s, Saied Hussein met in Asmara several activists including a few students and members of a little known Eritrean Rehabilitation Party (ERP). A few students including Jimie, at Botego school, Ahmed Karrar of PMSS, and Zahra Jaber of nursing school ran errands for the ERP. In May 1963 (probably his second leg to Asmara), Saied was arrested while trying to carry out a military operation at the Asmara airport. (During the Suez Canal war of 1956, Saied Hussein, a student at Al-Azhar University, joined the Fedayeen Brigades comprised of volunteers deployed near Port Said. It was the same Saied Hussein who headed the "student group" that became ELF in 1960; he is said to have relinquished the chairmanship to Idris Mohammed Adem, former president of the Eritrean Assembly, who was brought from Eritrea in 1959 with the assistance of the Cairo student group (interview with Abdulkerim Ahmed, Rassai, Sudan, 15.3.1982, confirmed by Jaffar, 1995).
[xx]. ELF-PLF, Eritrea: Victim of UN Decision and Ethiopian Aggression (no date) p. 78. The referred document was a reprint of a 1971 Memorandum submitted to the UN in New York, signed Woldeab Woldemariam, Osman Saleh Sabbe and Taha Mohammed Nur.
[xxi]. The founders of ELM were members of the youth branch of the Communist Party of the Sudan, and there were some Sudanese nationals among the original 17 founders, see Tahir Fadab, op.cit. p. 58.
[xxii]. Markakis, op.cit., p.106.
[xxiv]. According to Jimie, Paulos (Degiat) Sebhatu represented an ELM student group. Jimie says an ELF student group was formed before 1965. Its members included Abdulwahab Mohamoud, Mohammed Nur Kekia, Mohammed Ibrahim Hazam and Jimie himself. However, if ELM and ELF student groups ever existed in Asmara before 1995, they had no role whatsoever in the PMSS-organized political activities in the Eritrean capital during 1961-65.
25. Eritrean student groupings in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Sudan Somalia, Hungary, Poland, and the Federal Republic of Germany were represented in a meeting in Damascus held between 28 December 1968 and 4 January 1969. They established an umbrella organization called the General Union of Eritrean Students (GUES) which claimed to represent also students inside Eritrea ("Eternal Pages in the History of the Eritrean Student Movement", Fajir-al Wihda op.cit., pp. 2-4.
[xxvi]. This writer in 1959 wrote a letter to the then Director of Education, Asfaha Kahsai, naively telling the official to support Eritrean independence or face "liquidation" by a non-existent organization working for Eritrean independence.
[xxvii]. According to Jaffar (1995), the strike started because of administrative problems but was interpreted by the public to have had a political background. Jaffar, a relation of Ibrahim Sultan of the Moslem League, took part in the Benevolente school strike.
[xxviii]. Fissehaye Gherezghiher (Geneva, 6.1.96). Fissehaye was with the graduating class of Point Four Technical School in May 1957 which refused a request to joint HSISS students in the strike because of fear losing final certificates. Also see Fajir Al-Wihda, No.30, 1981.
[xxix]. Dr. Habte Tesfamariam (Kassel, Germany, 14.8.95). He remembers that a group of those Asmara students were brought to Adi Quala where they were detained.
[xxx]. Mohammed Omar Yahya, a student who participated at the March 1958 demonstration in Keren (as quoted by Ismail Ali, letter of 17.7.95).
[xxxi]. Michael Ghaber and this writer had experience of putting on wall posters and graffiti in Keren between 1959-60 and continued the practice in Asmara, 1961-65. The most daring group action in February 1965 involved 8 PMSS students who festooned Asmara with sketches of the Eritrean flag prepared by Seyoum Ogbamichael.
[xxxii]. Six months later on 15 June 1963, Tedla Ogbit allegedly committed suicide, but was most probably killed, in his office. Ethiopia had intended to replace. He refused requested going to USA for training, and soon started defying Ethiopia's unilateral dissolution of the Federation seven months earlier; see Tahir Fadab, op.cit., p.331.
[xxxiii]. Referring to Hamid Idris Awate who started the armed struggle in the western lowlands in September 1961. Awate was martyred in the spring of 1962 but the ELF kept his death secret for a long time.
[xxxiv]. Ring leaders were Mussie Tesfamichael (EPLF/Menka'e, martyred), Woldedawit Temesghen (ELF, martyred), Michael Ghaber (ELF, martyred), Seyoum Ogbamichael (currently responsible for Foreign Relations of ELF-Revolutionary Council), Issayas Afeworqi (President of the State of Eritrea), Haile Woldetinsae (cabinet minister), Bereket Ghebretinsae 'Aket' (EPLF sympathizer in France) and this contributor (member of ELF-RC).
[xxxv]. It was first discussed between Michael Ghaber and this writer, both of whom hailed from Keren, then a hot-bed of Eritrean nationalist politics. Both were friends of shopkeeper Abdulkerim Zeinu, a committed ELM organizer in Keren, and Mohamoud Janjar, a former classmate who by 1962 was ELF activist on frequent visits to Asmara to procure winter needs for fighters. But there was no direct ELM or ELF involvement in the student politics at PMSS.
[xxxvi]. This writer attended an Eritrean Assembly (parliament) session during the summer of 1961 and was stirred by the arguments of Mesghina Ghebrezghi and Stephanos of Decamere (full name not remembered) both of whom claimed that Ethiopia owed 72 million Ethiopian birr to Eritrea in unpaid arrears of customs duties and federal levies.
[xxxvii]. Literal translation: "We want freedom, help us".
[xxxviii]. Ibrahim Siraj was on a visit to Asmara that day. He joined the demonstrators near the Catholic Cathedral. Siraj, who vividly remembers the verse chanted at the demonstration, says the May 1962 demonstration influenced him so much that he became member of a political cell in the early 1960s (Geneva, 16.8,95).
[xxxix]. Many students, including this contributor, were severely beaten and some arrested at Biet Ghiorgis. Those detained at the infamous Caserma Mussolini - ironically, very near the Eritrean Assembly building, planned destination of the day's demonstration - chanted nationalist songs before being silenced by police beatings. The prison cells were drenched with cold water.
[xl]. Eyasu Gaym, The Eritrean Question (Iustus Forlang, Uppsala 1992) pp.471-72.
[xli]. Richard H. Johnson, American Consulate, Asmara, in aerogramme A-41 of 1.5.1963 addressed to State Department, US Archives 775.00/1-56.
[xlii]. In the eve of the demonstration, this writer was taken for interrogation to the police station at night and thence to the residence of Zeremariam Azazi, the Chief Commissioner for Eritrean Police. Zeremariam claimed that armed ELF fighters were hiding inside Asmara ready to take advantage of the demonstrations, and that he also knew about a meeting of the student organizers. (Only the latter claim was true.)
[xliii]. The meeting was held at the residence of Yohannes Naffi, uncle of Michael Ghaber of PMSS and a close friend of Police Commissioner Zeremariam Azazi.
[xliv]. ELF, The National Democratic Revolution Vs Ethiopian Expansionism (Nahal Printing Press, Beirut, 1979) pp.34-35.
[xlv]. Eritrean Police Commissioner Zeremariam slighted the detained students at Sembel saying that they would never be able to "fight in the field" because many could not resist hunger for 36 hours at Sembel. He was referring to a number of students who fainted of hunger and were sent to the hospital (Gherezghiher, 1995).
[xlvi]. Wolde-Yesus Ammar, Eritrea: Root Causes of War and Refugees (Baghdad: Sindbad Printing Press, 1992) pp. 56-57.
[xlvii]. Other participants whose viewpoint could not be solicited due to 'communication' constraints are, among others, Issayas Afeworqi, the Eritrean President, Haile Woldetinsae and Tesfai Woldeselassie, cabinet ministers.
[xlviii]. Telephone interview of 31.12.95.
[xlix]. Interview in Kassel, Germany, 14.08.95.
[l]. Letter of 1.9.95.
[li]. Seyoum Ogbamichael confirmed the absence of any mass organization for students in Asmara until mid-1965 (Kassel, Germany, 14.8.95).
[lii]. Woldedawit and Seyoum, who were sentenced for 10-year prison term each, continued to follow up their organizing activities from behind the prison bars.
[liii]. Siraj Ibrahim currently resides in Cologne, Germany.
[liv]. Ghilai was a political cadre in the 5th Zone. He was killed by an ELF unit leader in 1967.
[lv]. PMSS's committee consisted of Ghirmai Hadgu, chairman; Abdalla Hassan, secretary; Gherezghiher Tewelde, secretary for propaganda, and Gherezghiher Woldu, treasurer (Gherezghiher, 1995).
56. Gherezghiher Woldu an Abdalla Hassan of PMSS organized student unions in Mendefera and Decamere, respectively. Tesfai Tekle and Bereket Eyoab of HSISS were sent by the coordinating PMSS committee to Keren and Massawa, respectively, where they organized student unions.
[lvii]. Gherezghiher Tewelde (1995) thinks that the Damascus meeting which created the international GUES might not have known the existence of an organization of that name in Asmara.
[lviii]. Gherezghiher (1995).
[lix]. Consulates represented in Asmara were instantly informed through letters, carrying an ELF seal improvised by the students, that the scheduled celebrations were partly sabotaged by Eritrean nationalists (Gherezghiher, 1995).
[lx]. Gherezghiher Tewelde was accused of complicity in ELF operations inside Asmara and was sentenced to 20 years. A standby or "shadow committee" took over the functions of the PMSS centralizing committee. Among the shadow committee members were Tsegai Yosief, Saleh Ismail, Habteselassie Ghebremedhin and Berhane Redda. Berhane was arrested by mid-1967 and the others went hiding (interview with Berhane Redda, Vevey, Switzerland, 27.8.1994).
[lxi]. The centralizing committee in Addis Ababa consisted of Andom and/or Habtom Ghebremichael (the PMSS twins), Bereket Ghebretinsae, Haile Woldetinsae (Diru'e),Issayas Afeworqi, Tesfai Woldeselassie (the only non-PMSS member) and this writer who was the focal point. Initially, Mohamoud Mohammed Suleiman, an Eritrean employee of UAR (EgyptAir) linked the group with Khartoum. But as of mid-1966, Kidane Kiflu, alias Kebbede Kiflu, a loner law student who had no cell of his own in the university, was indirectly affiliated to the committee per advice of ELF envoy Ghilai Ghirmai. Hence force, most communication and liaison outside Addis was handled via his connections through ELF cells in the Ethiopian Airlines.
The triumph And the Challenge: At last the people of Eritrea are being listened: The Geneva demonstration 26 June 2015
Wednesday, 08 July 2015 23:40 Written by By Petros Tesfagiorgis
The date was 26 June, 2015 in Genève Switzerland. A friend and I arrived at the Central station (City Centre) at about 11.45 am to make it to 12 to the designated rendezvous where the March to the office of the United Nations begins. The march was to express solidarity with the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea (COIE). On June 8, 2015, the Commission made its 485-page report public and confirmed to the world community the pain and the sufferings that Eritreans are enduring under PFDJ government.
We came across many Eritreans at the entrance and asked one were the meeting placewas. He said “we are going there follow us.” We entered through the main entrance of the station and came out through the back door. We walked for about 15 minutes and arrived at a big park –the rendezvous. We were overwhelmed by the activities taking place there. Several people were busy attaching slogans to placards. Some were arranging flags and banners. There were several people holding cameras on their shoulders and on stands. What an extraordinary sight, seeing people doing their share of work with enthusiasm and dedication. The flags of EU countries where Eritreans got sanctuary made the demonstration colorful and beautiful.
It was amazing to observe a sea of people mostly young walking orderly and chanting. At the first rows, there were children and disabled war veterans. The youth were dominant. Their faces shine radiating hope and happiness. The expression in their face tells the tale of love between each other. After all
they all share the value of freedom and justice. The value which inspired them
and motivated them to rise up and stand up against injustices. The beauty of it
that the demonstration has bonded people together even more. What a gloriouss historical day. I told myself that I was glad to be there. The Eritrean people’s dignity –resilience and incredible history of defiance has been compromised by PFDJ oppression. The people wanted their pride and dignity back and they felt they have to do it collectively.
“The popular slogan was down, down dictator”. “What do you want? Freedom”When do you want? Now? “Enough is enough”etc.
I was soon to find out that people have come from as far as Canada, Australian and the United States. They came all the way to witness history in the making. Awate team captured the situation and explained its significance in a single sentence. I quote
“TheGeneva rally has represented the true face of Eritrea; no such diverse crowd of Eritreans assembled in one place, around a united cause, in the last twenty years.
The huge march estimated to be more than 5000 symbolizes people’s power. Power the majority of Eritreans did not realize they have. –It represents a mini mobilization, a nucleus that lays the foundation for democracy.
It was remarkable to see the march was orderly, the Swiss police were not in big number and they were very trustful and respectful as to let the Eritreans handle security themselves. Credit to the organizers they were effective. My congratulations to them.
I will not talk more about the March and the message in the slogans as Amanuel Iyasu of Assenna was covering them live. There was also reports on Radio ERENA, The Forum, Awate.com and many more such as face books. At the same time, there was demonstration in Ethiopia. In Addis Ababa Eritreans marched to the African Union and the Office of European Union. Similar rallies took place in the refugee camps in Shimelba, Mai Aini –Assaita, Berhalene and Hintzas. There was demonstration in Israel where Eritrean are denied protection.
The triumph and the Challenge
The triumph of the Geneva demonstration presents the justice seekers with formidable challenge. Would the justice seekers seize the momentum? In this moment in time where the Eritreans worldwide are experiencing a profound inspiration the leaders of various political, civil and human rights organizations should put in place a comprehensive path and vision – that shapes the destiny of Eritrea. And present to the public in conferences, workshops and group discussions. Some colleagues including Dr Russom Mesfun of Asmarino.com from California –Berhane Haile of Boston, Miss Bee Hassan of Norway (she was passionately advocating of the rights of Eritrean women), and others expressed expectation of a meeting on Saturday 27, 2015 in Geneva. It didn’t’t happen. That is to be expected the work of the organizers was difficult. However we had a lot of an informal discussion. The Geneva city center displays a variety of restaurants and cafes with comfortable seats outside. It is there that Eritreans engaged in discussions in the form of brainstorming –The main issue was “the way forward” I remember there was this youth literally on fire demanding that people should work in unison and accelerate the demise of PFDJ. I liked his discourse and his spirit to move on without wasting time. The youth seems to realize the damages of fragmentation. People were sensing that it is time to radically change in the way the opposition works. They expect the older generation to share their wisdom and experience admitting their participation is critical to the struggle for democratic change.
It is during that discussion that Suleiman Adam – chairman of CDRiE mentioned the conferences that will take place in London, Oakland and Bologna. The conferences are organized by BOLOGNA FORUM. Its objectives are summarized by Miriam September in her face book. It goes;
“In my view, nothing is more important than working on the increased effectiveness and relevance of the Eritrean opposition. This will not only help shortening the life of the dictator, but above all, mitigate the risks post PFDJ. The Bologna Forum aims to achieve just that and this is why it has a huge importance. As a people-lead effort, it will only work with everyone’s contribution and full participation. And that can only be achieved when the enormous potential value of his effort is truly recognized. Hope to see many of you in London, Oakland and Bologna. To make it happen. The initiative s is very encouraging. It is timely initiative which we should all attend.
The United Kingdom Situation – The UK voice:
I don’t hide my concern that the justice seekers in UK is not playing the role it was supposed to play. It was weakened not by fragmentation only but by complacency. It is far away from being action oriented. Some studies indicate that there are up to 50 Eritrean communities in UK. To the advantage of PFDJ- the communities don’t engage in debate about the social situation let alone the political situation in Eritrea and have become de-politisation centers. This system encourages conspiracy of silence, and the UK activities being vibrant few years ago have become surprising weak today. Such weakness is predominantly in London. Those outside London in the North are much better.
As a consequence, the justice seekers are not visible to the British Government authorities whose contact has been with the Embassy of Eritrea in London. PFDJ has assured the British Government that the indefinite national service is reinstated to be 18 months. That may be one of the reasons why the Home Office came with the following. I quote from Eritrea-Focus electronic newspaper. 1
“In March, the UK Home Office issued two documents, Country Information and Guidance Eritrea: Illegal Exit, which in a combined 64 pages have hardened the asylum rules by which thousands of Eritreans will be judged.”
Today with the report of ICOE an environment has been created that makes it relevant to listen to the views of the opposition. In such political climate the provision of credible opposition in the form of UK voice is essential to engage with the British Authorities. To find ways to form an umbrella sort of “UK voice”has been the subject of discussion during the commemoration of Martyrs day, June 20. Subsequent meetings are arranged to take place at the hall of “International initiative for Peace”off Victoria Station.
At last the people of Eritrea are being listened. Their pains and suffering acknowledged by the international community and the highest authority in our planet, the United Nations. Seize the momentum.
Awot- Nhafash
1. Eritrea Focus: is an association of Non-Governmental organizations (NGOs) human rights organizations, exile and refugee groups and individuals concerned with the gross abuse of human rights in Eritrea.
2. Bologna Forum:is an independent, people-lead platform and alliance of Eritreans and organizations who seek to strengthen the 'Eritrean solutions for Eritrean problems'-mantra as a political strategy for Eritrea's path towards democracy.
3. The Bologna Forum Programs: Eritrean Summit to End Dictatorship: London 18-19 July: Oakland California 28-29 August: Bologna 9-11 October 2015.
4. The picture: The woman in Black cardigan and grey t-shirt is Mrs Shoa the wife of ex-ambassador to China. Erimias Debesai (papaya): Some time ago her daughter, Aura, came out with a moving placard in an-anti PFDJ demonstration in Germany. It read “Where is my father “. It symbolizes the pains of all the families whose beloved are illegally imprisoned by PFDJ.
5. A New Campaign by Amnesty International has been launched to call for the release of all prisoners of conscience in Eritrea. Putting Aster Fitzehasion in the front line. And a petition to be signed.
Source=http://www.cdrie.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=346:the-triumph-and-the-challenge-at-last-the-people-of-eritrea-are-being-listened-the-geneva-demonstration-26-june-2015&catid=34:english-articles&Itemid=53
Eritrea faces more UN scrutiny, a step closer to global court
Wednesday, 08 July 2015 23:33 Written by By Tom Miles![[image]](http://d2atr2ilx9iyd.cloudfront.net/contentAsset/image/105ff95b-39ce-41a5-9b4a-beaa509d606b/image/byInode/1/filter/Resize,Jpeg/jpeg_q/69/resize_w/604)
Migrants from Eritrea take part in a protest outside the European Union delegation in Israel, in Ramat Gan near Tel Aviv June 25, 2015. REUTERS/Baz Ratner
By Tom Miles
GENEVA, July 2 (Reuters) - Eritrea faces a second year of scrutiny by human rights investigators after the U.N. body overseeing them extended their mission on Thursday, a decision that may put the government at risk of referral to the International Criminal Court.
The U.N. Human Rights Council asked the independent investigators to use the time to consider if the Horn of Africa country was committing "crimes against humanity" - a level of offence that can be prosecuted by the global tribunal.
Eritrea's envoy to the Geneva-based rights council described the decision as "politicised" and dismissed an earlier report detailing testimony of widespread torture, sexual violence, forced labour and mass surveillance as unfounded and biased.
Eritrea is one of the poorest countries in the world and around 5,000 of its citizens flee every month to try and join migrants heading towards Europe, according to the United Nations.
Somalia, which formally asked the U.N. council to extend the investigation of its near neighbour Eritrea, has regularly accused Eritrea of backing militants on its a territory, a charge Asmara rejects. Djibouti, which shares a border with Eritrea, also backed the resolution.
The investigators, who submitted a report last month, had recommended that the council extend their remit to decide whether crimes against humanity had been committed.
In the past they have said such a finding could lead later to a case before the Hague-based global court - a tribunal set up to investigate the worst crimes when local courts fail.
Thursday's resolution told the investigators to look into "systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in Eritrea with a view to ensuring full accountability".
Eritrean envoy Tesfamicael Gerahtu told the 47-member Council that his country believed that "the draft resolution is a recipe for sustained confrontation with no dividend for the promotion of human rights".
He called Djibouti and Somalia "the usual bidders... on behalf of the main known architects".
Gerahtu said Eritrea was "redoubling its development efforts to achieve a qualitative leap in the next three to four years," and was strengthening human rights as part of this effort.
Last week the three U.N. investigators were given police protection, even inside the secure U.N. complex, after a senior official said they had received threats on the street and at their hotel.
(Reporting by Tom Miles; Editing by Stephanie Nebehay and Andrew Heavens)
Source=Eritrea faces more U.N. scrutiny, a step closer to global court - Forum OMEGA
Mussie Awate (2013)ላዶን ብሊንድ ጋብያ (I will speak once in Blin), Stockholm
By Kiflemariam Hamde, Sweden
This publication is a second in a series of published poetry books in Blin[i], after Bogos Goitom’s pioneering poems of love, እንከሊ enkeli[ii]. In 25 poems running several paragraphs or entries, Mussie describes how his competence on writing poems in other languages convinced his inner intuition and motivation to do so in Blin script. “Encouraged by the growing literature on Blin for the last two decades, I also take the real step to write in Blin”, asserts the author (2013: 9). Another implicit reason for taking this initiative is his critical stand on the socio-political life on Eritrea, his reaction to the continued domination of the public space by Tigrigna and Arabic, while ‘participants speaking other languages’ are often ‘expected to use their own languages only at home, continuously stripping them off their vitality in the Eritrean public space’ (Forward). According to the author, this phenomenon is also apparent in literature and communication among Eritreans in general. The author capitalizes on his rich experience (from the liberation period) when he participated in the liberation movement as a fighter between 1976 and 1981, and even after that period, continued working in the opposition movement from the diaspora.
It is impossible to comment on all of the poems in this short review but I have selected a few so that the reader can get an idea of the contents. Attending to the titles, I can identify five groups of poems: Poems based on Blin proverbs (p. 14, 28, 30, 48, 58, 61), idioms (p. 23, 37, 63, 69), famous or notorious actors or special events (p. 33, 39, 42, 45, 56, 76), riddles (p. 48) and poems with general contents (the rest). Moreover, there are critical rhetoric illustrative of current events, at times challenging the status quo in the socio-political impasse in Eritrea (p. 23) and victimhood (p. 30), shaky communication (p. 56), on care and judgement, (p. 76) on economy and war (p. 23, “Don’t provoke in your communication with each other – literally, ‘don’t throw words ), comments on the sad situation facing the Eritrea youth in different corners of the world, etc.
In the first Poem (p. 14), Mussie invokes a Blin proverb ኒመሓርኒዩዅቊጡምሰምበርጎደ! (Ni meHarini yuxw QTum sember Gwede! (p. 4-19). It is based on a factual event about a man who ploughed his farm in a forbidden day, Sunday, because he did not own oxen. After farming on Sundays a couple of times, he asks God for forgiveness. As for my reading, the greatness of the poem lies in its allegory for a value that is often difficult for human beings to acknowledge their mistakes, and ask for forgiveness, especially for Eritreans. Reversely, the poet abhors people who are inconsistent in their behaviour, hypocrites, and those who hurt, rebuke, or sell their brethren, gradually only fool themselves. He laments particularly the loss or lack of respect, dialogue and understanding, consequently everybody losing together! The author reminds Eritreans and the Blin people that interdependence, care and compromise should be the end (goals), rather than bickering on the means.
Mussie also describes the linguistic situation of Blin speakers both in the private and public arenas, alluding to future trajectories for the development on Blin writing as well as the expected Blin speakers’ active participation in Eritrea’s socio-political life and literature (p. 48-50). The author illustrates issues of language domination and power (p. 49), the impact on ordinary Eritreans lives of the cultural fragmentation and socioeconomic underdevelopment caused by the atrocities during the Ethiopian domination in Eritrea (1961-1991) , particularly the legacy of massacres and imprisonment of civilians in urban and rural areas in Eritrea in general, etc., for example, of almost 1000 civilians who were killed by the Second Military Division of Haile Selassie’s regime in Besikdira and Ona in November 30, and December 1, 1970, respectively[iii], and since 1991.
The poems reflect deep-rooted values, norms, and respectful communication that tends to be weakening or completely lacking among Eritreans, politicians, and in the general public, and calls for tolerance, respect, and justice, and thereof equality among Eritreans. Mussie is a good example of the growing number of authors on Blin language[iv] and culture. Anybody who is interested to understand how an author understands the past events, ongoing current happenings, and future trajectories about language, culture, politics and economy is advised to read this book. My only complaint is that the poems are not numbered, and we have to quote the page number or title in quoting them. However, that does not affect the quality and legitimacy of the language used and richness of values invoked and the call for future development of Blin language. As a reader, I recommend the book for anybody who wants to know about the mentioned values and norms within the context of past and current Eritrean situation is encouraged to read the book. Finally, it is a good starter for (Eritrean) language students and literature, it is a good addition to the growing poetry on and in Eritrean languages[v].
A father of three, Mussie Awate lives in Stockholm, Sweden.
Anybody interested to know more about the book, or read Blin poems, can contact the author at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
[i] Since mid-1970s, more than 40 literature in Blin ብሊንድ and on Blin ብሊን has increasingly emerged both inside Eritrea and in the Diaspora, specifically Sweden, Norway and also London. or many – old and new - works on Blin language, culture, history, music, etc., read at the Blin Language Forum website www.daberi.org and www.debanma.com. The entries are mainly in Blin, and on Blin in English, Tigrinya, and a few in Arabic (on History).
[ii]Bogos Goitom (1992). እንከሊ (Love Poems), Nyna Tryckeri, Uppsala, Sweden.
[iii] For a succinct narrative of the painful massacre, and its consequences, at Besikdira village, and the general situation at that period, see Abba Teweldeberhan Geberemedhin and Abba Zerayakob Okbamikael, Capuchin friars: መሪርግፍዒኣብበስክዲራንከባቢኣን (A Painful Massacre at Besikdria and its Environs), ትምጻእመንግስትከ (Adveniat Regnum TUUM), 44th Year, Nrs 73/74, page 1-14.
[iv] A couple of them will be reviewed in English during the coming few months so that readers might get information on the type of literature that is emerging in local languages (i.e., Eritrean languages).
[v] See for example “Who needs A Story?” by Charles Cantalupo & Ghirmai Negash (2005), and “We have a voice, Selected Poems of Reesom Haile”, by Charles Cantalupo (2000), and many more.
The government has declared war on us”: an appeal from people suffering inside Eritrea
Tuesday, 07 July 2015 08:51 Written by by Martin PlautA rare insight into what goes on inside the “North Korea of Africa”.
by Martin Plaut Published 6 July, 2015 - 17:40
Martin Plaut writes: A message has been smuggled out of Eritrea calling for UN sanctions against the regime to be maintained. It provides a rare insight into the conditions in a country that is so isolated and repressive that it is often referred to as the North Korea of Africa.
This appeal, which comes from the underground resistance in the capital, Asmara, helps explain why Eritreans make up one of the largest group of migrants and refugees arriving in Europe and finally making their way to Calais. It comes via the “Freedom Friday” network, which has used posters and phone calls to reach their people inside the country.
Last month a UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea concluded that human rights in the country are so severe that they may constitute crimes against humanity. Among these abuses is the system of national service. Young men and women are conscripted into the military at the age of 17 and have to serve indefinitely, with next to no pay. Some people have served for more than 20 years, acting as forced labour on the country’s gold and copper mine.
When the findings were debated in Geneva there were large demonstrations organized by the Eritrean government and the opposition, with the respective sides attacking or supporting the Commission’s findings. The President of the Commission complained that his members had received threats and attempts had been made to intimidate them. The Swiss police provided guards for the UN investigators.
Eritrean state television only broadcast news about the pro-government demonstrations, and it was in reaction to these broadcasts that a group of Eritreans sent this message abroad. They support sanctions against the regime. This is reminiscent of the calls by the African National Congress for sanctions against apartheid from the 1960s onwards, even if it was going to hurt the people of South Africa.
Eritrea’s history is one of the saddest in Africa. Eritreans fought for their independence from Ethiopia for 30 years. During that time vast quantities of American arms and financial support were provided to Emperor Haile Selassie. After he was overthrown in 1974 by the Marxist regime led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, the aid continued, but this time from the Soviet Union. Despite this, the Eritreans fought their way into their capital, Asmara, in 1991 and the country gained international recognition as an independent state in 1993.
A further border war with Ethiopia from 1998 until 2000 left the country badly weakened. The army remains entrenched along the Ethiopian border and a state of no-war, no-peace has allowed permanent conscription to be enforced.
In May 2001 President Isaias Afwerki was criticised by his party colleagues, who described his despotic rule as “illegal and unconstitutional”. They were promptly arrested and have been held without trial ever since. There have been no elections since independence. The constitution has not been implemented, there is no freedom of speech or independent media of any kind.
A message from Asmara: is it naivety or callousness?
Some Eritreans think the demonstration that took place on the 22 June has something to do with the existing UN sanctions against our country, or any economic sanction that might be imposed in the future. But although sanctions can hurt the people the current appalling situation of Eritreans is a reality that should be understood by every Eritrean living in the diaspora.
We are unable to make a living; we are forced to go to endless military training in the national service and the people’s army forces our children to go on “development” projects. This is the reality of our arduous lives.
All enterprises are shut. Even the meager provisions for every day goods including food items are limited. Those businessmen who used to be able to import small amounts have been forbidden from doing so. This has resulted in scarcity of every item. People are suffering.
It is as if the government has declared war on us; the government is busy shutting every door on us and making our lives a misery whilst we continually have to fight to overcome these difficulties
For example, domestic fuel is now very scarce and very expensive. The prices of essential food rises by the day. Even government owned ‘fair shops’ are working against the people and exposing the people to even more hardship. Shoppers are forced to queue for hours on end just to buy basics. Restrictions are placed on how much can be bought at one time.
Electricity is so seldom available that our children joke about it. They say it is rather like bread. This used to be rationed; now it has totally vanished from many shops. The absence of electricity is one indicator of how far our standard of living has fallen. We are convinced that this is a deliberate ploy of the government to keep us so bogged down in the grind of daily life we cannot begin to think about the future.
We are convinced that those who support the government abroad, by protesting against any report exposing the harsh reality under which we live, effectively believe that we only deserve the worst here in Eritrea.
Since those who are protesting don’t live here with us we consider their actions callous selfishness and greed, rather than naivety. They want to gain government favours at our expense.
We often hear and see reports about the “contribution” of young people (YPFDJ – the youth wing of the ruling party) in the diaspora. Our response is please don’t be duped by people like Yemane “Monkey”. [Yemane Gebreab, Presidential adviser and senior party leader. Most prominent Eritreans are known by their nickname.] Please listen to us, the victims.
Ask those who are mobilising you why the PFDJ [the ruling party] doesn’t abide by its own rules? Why are there no elections? Why do so many young people leave the country at great risk to themselves?
Instead of opposing the human rights report you could even suggest a committee made up of Eritreans to investigate everything that is taking place in our country. Make your own assessment!
We have our own country, yet we are the gypsies of the world. We are discriminated against and looked down upon. This is the tragedy that has befallen the heroic people of Eritrea, who stood up to the super-powers to secure Eritrea’s independence.
In conclusion, we understand what defending your country and standing with your people really means. But we consider your activities are working against us in the guise of defending the country and its interests.
What are you protecting the country from? What worse is going to happen to us?
There is no electricity, we have severe housing problems, there is a real scarcity of food and getting health care is difficult. Trust us: nothing worse can happen to Eritrea. So don’t deceive yourselves into thinking you are doing this for us or acting on our behalf.
UN orders probe of alleged 'crimes against humanity' in Eritrea
Friday, 03 July 2015 15:59 Written by blink.htcsense.com
Thursday, July 2, 2015 7:43 PM GMT
The UN Human Rights Council on Thursday decided to prolong an investigation into horrendous abuses in Eritrea, and widen it to include looking into suspected crimes against humanity.
The 47-member rights body unanimously agreed to extend for another year the work of a special commission of inquiry on the human rights situation in the autocratic Horn of Africa state.
The commission should "investigate systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in Eritrea with a view of ensuring full accountability, including where these violations may amount to crimes against humanity," the resolution said.
The three-member team last month published a 500-page report detailing how Eritrea, under Isaias Afwerki's iron-fisted regime for the past 22 years, has created a repressive system in which people are routinely arrested at whim, detained, tortured, killed or go missing.
A system of indefinite conscription of all Eritreans also forces many to toil in slave-like conditions in the military and other state jobs, sometimes for decades, according to the report, which was flatly rejected by Eritrea.
The investigators said violations were taking place on a "scope and scale seldom witnessed elsewhere".
The report found that some of the numerous abuses committed in Eritrea "may constitute crimes against humanity," but the investigators said they had not probed that possibility, since it was not in their initial mandate.
"We didn't have the time, the resources (or) the possibility to be able to make any determination on (crimes against humanity) and we simply recommended that some mechanism could be judged to look at that issue," head of the commission Mike Smith told reporters last month.
The report provides a list of government and state entities responsible for the abuse, including the military, police, justice ministry and Isaias himself.
Thursday's resolution, which was tabled by Djibouti and Somalia, strongly condemned "the systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations that have been and are being committed by the government of Eritrea in a climate of generalised impunity."
It also lamented that the abuses were inciting "an ever-increasing number of Eritreans to leave their country."
Eritrea, which after Syria is the largest source of migrants risking their lives to cross the Mediterranean to Europe, is seeing some 5,000 people flood out of the country each month, despite a "shoot-to-kill" policy along the borders.
Thursday's text urged Eritrea to among other things release all political prisoners, halt the use of torture, end the system of indefinite national service and "end the practice of shooting at Eritrean citizens attempting to cross the border".
And it demanded that the country cooperate with the investigators, who have not been permitted to enter and who have so far mainly based their findings on interviews with Eritreans living abroad.
The resolution also said all the commission's findings should be passed on to UN chief Ban Ki-moon and the General Assembly in New York "for appropriate action".
© 2015 AFP
Petition Submitted by Geneva Demonstrators On 26 June to the UN Human Rights Council
Thursday, 02 July 2015 07:09 Written by Coordinating Committee of the Demonstration of Eritreans in GenevaThe organizing committee of the historic June 26 demonstration of justice-seeking Eritreans in Geneva submitted a petition to the UN Human Rights Council fully supporting the report of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea and urging for concrete action against the cruel regime in Asmara.
The petition stated that the thousands of demonstrators were “glad to know that the international community is now paying due attention to the dire state of human rights in Eritrea”. It further noted that although the UN report was an important step forward in the fight to end impunity but demanded that those perpetrators of so many crimes in Eritrea for a prolonged period of time should be brought to a court of justice.
Below is the full petition submitted on behalf of thousands of Eritreans who trekked to Geneva that day from many countries in Europe as well as some from North America and the Middle East.
***
To the President of the United Nations Human Rights Council
Geneva
Adopt appropriate measures to end impunity in Eritrea
Your Excellency,
This letter is addressed to you by a huge crowd of justice-seeking Eritrean exiles, who are congregating in Geneva on the 26th of June 2015, for a mass demonstration that coveys our unflinching support to the report of the UN-mandated Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (COIE).
We are conducting our mass demonstration at a time when the crisis of human rights in Eritrea has reached a very crucial level, which involves a possible situation of crimes against humanity. We are glad to know that the international community is now paying due attention to the dire state of human rights in Eritrea. While we see this as a very important development in our fight to end impunity, we also note that some crucial measures still need to be taken urgently in order to avoid further human suffering in our country.
We therefore call on the Human Rights Council to ensure that those most responsible for a possible situation of crimes against humanity in Eritrea are held accountable pursuant to the existing legal framework of international criminal justice. Indeed, it is time for the international community to devise appropriate methods by which accountability for gross human rights violations is ensured meaningfully. Such measures shall include, among other things, the adoption of effective targeted sanctions against those who appear to be most responsible for a possible situation of crimes against humanity in Eritrea.
As noted by the report of the COIE, we also urge the Human Right Council to adopt appropriate follow-up measures, with a view to providing conclusive findings on the issue of crimes against humanity in Eritrea. In this regard, we also believe that the renewal of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur (Ms. Sheila B Keetharuth) is another important step.
Pending the adoption of appropriate accountability measures, we urge the Human Rights Council to give due consideration to the Eritrean refugee crisis, by advising recipient countries to continue providing appropriate legal protection to all Eritrean asylum seekers and refugees wherever they are.
Your Excellency, we hope that you will give your utmost consideration to the issues of concern we have pointed out above, and we look forward to reading a resolution of your Council that adequately captures these considerations.
Thank you in anticipation of your kind cooperation, and we will look forward to hearing from you.
Coordinating Committee of the Demonstration of Eritreans in Geneva
26 June 2015
Geneva
Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
CC: To all Members of the Human Rights Council(through their diplomatic missions in Geneva)
Mediterranean Crisis 2015 at six months: refugee and migrant numbers highest on record
Wednesday, 01 July 2015 09:23 Written by African Discussion ForumsThe large majority of the 137,000 people who crossed the Mediterranean Sea into Europe during the first six months of 2015 were fleeing from war, conflict or persecution, making the Mediterranean crisis primarily a refugee crisis, a UNHCR reportreleased today concludes.
One third of the men, women and children who arrived by sea in Italy or Greece were from Syria, whose nationals are almost universally deemed to qualify for refugee status or other forms of protection. The second and third most common countries of origin are Afghanistan and Eritrea, whose nationals are also mostly considered to qualify for refugee status.
"As Europe debates the best way to deal with the rising crisis on the Mediterranean, we must be clear: most of the people arriving by sea in Europe are refugees, seeking protection from war and persecution," said António Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Data received from Greece, Italy, Malta and Spain charts a 83 per cent increase in refugees and migrants crossing the Mediterranean from January to June - 137,000 compared to 75,000 in the same period last year. Historically, crossings significantly increase in the second half of the year, in particular over the summer months, so it is expected the numbers will continue to soar. Arrivals in the second half of 2014, for example, were almost double those of the first half.
The number of deaths at sea rose to record levels in April 2015, and then dropped dramatically in May and June. Between January and March, 479 refugees and migrants drowned or went missing, as opposed to 15 during the first three months of the year before. In April the situation took an even more terrible turn. In a number of concurrent wrecks, an unprecedented 1,308 refugees and migrants drowned or went missing in a single month (compared to 42 in April 2014). In May, the number of refugees and migrants drowned or missing at sea fell to 68, a quarter of the figure only one year earlier (226). The downward trend continued in June, which saw 12 deaths compared to 305 in 2014.
"The decline in people drowning over the past two months is encouraging; a sign that with the right policy, backed by an effective operational response, it is possible to save more lives at sea," said Guterres. "Nonetheless, we must stay vigilant. For the thousands of refugees and migrants who continue to cross the Mediterranean every week, the risks remain very real."
The report shows that the eastern Mediterranean route from Turkey into Greece has now surpassed the central Mediterranean route (from north Africa to Italy) as the main source of maritime arrivals.
The majority of those arriving in Greece are refugees from Syria. Many will have first fled for safety to neighbouring countries, such as Turkey and Lebanon. But after years of rising pressure and insufficient international support, the economies and infrastructure of many refugee-hosting countries are struggling to cope, making it increasingly difficult for refugees to find work, shelter, healthcare, and education. As humanitarian appeals to assist them go underfunded, many have no choice but to move on.
In Greece, a limited infrastructure providing less than 2,000 reception places has meant inadequate reception conditions for new arrivals. Many refugees and migrants continue their journey across The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia to and through Hungary. Every day, an average of over 1,000 people enter The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia from Greece, compared with 200 just a few weeks ago. There are frequent reports of abuse and violence along the way by smugglers and criminal networks, as well as the increasing tightening of borders.
"Europe has a clear responsibility to help those seeking protection from war and persecution," said Guterres. "To deny that responsibility is to threaten the very building blocks of the humanitarian system Europe worked so hard to build. European countries must shoulder their fair share in responding to the refugee crisis, at home and abroad."
US State Department Reports on Human Rights in Eritrea
Tuesday, 30 June 2015 22:55 Written by (From the US State Department website)Like Amnesty International, the Human Rights Watch, Reporters Without Borders and many other organizations, the US State Department also issues annual report on the human rights situation in Eritrea. Its coverage of the year 2014 just released (see printed below) shows a worsening situation that will require close world attention and possible action, as suggested by the June 23 report of UN Commission of Inquiry which is now under consideration by the UN Human Rights Council for further appropriate decisions. It is highly probable that the regime in Eritrea would be accountable to crimes against humanity.
Full version of the 2015 release of US State Department report on Eritrea is published below. Good reading.
Executive Summary: The government of Eritrea is a highly centralized, authoritarian regime under the control of President Isaias Afwerki. The People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), headed by President Isaias, is the sole political party. There have been no elections since the country’s independence from Ethiopia in 1993. Authorities generally maintained effective control over most security forces.
Citizens did not have the ability to change the government through free and fair elections. Incommunicado detention continued under life-threatening conditions, which sometimes resulted in death. The government forced persons to participate in its national service program, routinely for periods of indefinite duration beyond the 18-month obligation.
Other abuses included killings; disappearances, torture and other cruel treatment; arbitrary arrest; executive interference in the judiciary; lack of due process and excessively long pretrial detention; politically motivated detentions; infringement of privacy rights; restrictions on freedom of speech and press; restrictions on academic freedom and cultural events; restrictions on internet freedom; restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and religion; limits on freedom of movement and travel; corruption and lack of transparency; domestic violence against women; and alleged discrimination against ethnic minorities. The law criminalizes consensual same-sex activity. Female genital mutilation/cutting, human trafficking, and forced child labor occurred. Government policies limited worker rights.
The government did not generally prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, whether in the security services or elsewhere in the government. Impunity was the norm.
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:Share
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
The government committed arbitrary killings with impunity and subjected detainees to harsh and life-threatening prison conditions. Prisoners who disappeared were often presumed dead.
In July the Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization reported authorities arrested Abdul Karim Qadr, an ethnic Afar, in Massawa, and that special security guards later executed him in a secret prison in Afabet.
A shoot-to-kill policy remained in effect that targeted those who tried to cross the border illegally to leave the country.
b. Disappearance
An unknown number of persons disappeared during the year and were believed to be in government detention or to have died while in detention. The government did not regularly notify family members or respond to requests for information regarding the status of detainees, including locally employed staff of foreign embassies or foreign nationals. Disappeared persons included those detained for political and religious beliefs, journalists, individuals suspected of evading national service and militia duties, and persons with no discernible charge levied against them.
On February 27, fighter pilot Dejen Ande escaped from a maximum-security prison in Asmara where the government had held him without charge for 15 years.
On April 29, security officers arrested Mohammed Ali Omaro, the country’s ambassador to Nigeria, in Asmara. His whereabouts were unknown.
In November it was reported that the head of security in the President’s Office, Colonel Tesfalidet Tesfasilassie, disappeared. No additional information was available.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The law and the unimplemented constitution prohibit torture. The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea reported in regards to detention conditions that “torture and ill-treatment are prevalent, with prisoners being more vulnerable during the early days in custody, for example during interrogation and investigation, if any.” Lack of transparency and access to information made it impossible to determine the numbers or circumstances of deaths due to torture or poor detention conditions.
Security forces tortured and beat army deserters, national service and militia evaders, persons attempting to flee the country without travel documents, and members of certain religious groups.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening.
Physical Conditions: No information was available on the number of prisoners, detainees, and detention centers. There were reportedly numerous unofficial detention centers, some located in military camps. The law requires juveniles be held separately from adults. There is a juvenile detention center in Asmara, but authorities held some juveniles, particularly teenagers, with adults, due to overcrowding in juvenile facilities. When police arrested mothers, their young children were sometimes held with them. Severe overcrowding was reportedly common.
Data on the prevalence of death in prison and detention facilities were not available, although persons died from harsh conditions or were reportedly killed in detention. Authorities reportedly held detainees in metal shipping containers and underground cells, without toilets or beds, incommunicado. Use of psychological torture was common, according to former inmates. Some former prisoners reported authorities appeared to conduct interrogations and beatings within hearing distance of other prisoners to intimidate them. The government did not provide adequate basic or emergency medical care in prisons or detention centers. Food was inadequate, and potable water was sometimes available only for purchase.
Refusal to perform military or militia service, failure to enlist, fraudulent evasion of military service, and desertion were punished by lengthy imprisonment or other arbitrary forms of punishment. Former detainees and other sources reported harsh detention center conditions, in police stations, and prisons for persons held for evading national service and militia duties. For example, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea noted Wi’a prison camp as notoriously harsh.
Authorities placed political prisoners in solitary confinement more often than other detainees.
Administration: Verifying whether authorities released prisoners after they served their sentences was impossible. Recordkeeping procedures were not transparent, and the government did not routinely announce release of prisoners. There were no prison ombudsmen to respond to complaints.
Prisoners and detainees did not have consistent access to visitors. The government did not grant consular access to detained dual citizens. Authorities generally did not permit family visits with persons detained, arrested, or convicted for reasons purportedly involving national security, but they permitted visits with those held for other reasons. Authorities did not permit religious observance for some prisoners and detainees, although at least one detention center had a facility where prison officials permitted prisoners to conduct religious observances. International religious organizations claimed authorities interrogated detainees about their religious affiliation and asked them to identify members of unauthorized religious groups. Prisoners and detainees could not submit complaints to judicial authorities, and authorities did not adequately investigate or monitor prison or detention center conditions.
Independent Monitoring: The government did not permit monitoring by independent nongovernmental observers. The government did not permit international bodies, including the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), to monitor prison conditions, nor was the ICRC given access to Ethiopian or Djiboutian prisoners of war allegedly detained in the country.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The law and unimplemented constitution prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, but arbitrary arrest and detention remained widespread.
Round-ups of persons suspected of evading national service or militia duty occurred.
Role of the Police and Security Apparatus
Police are responsible for maintaining internal security, and the armed forces for external security, but the government sometimes used the armed forces, the reserves, demobilized soldiers, or the civilian militia to meet domestic and external security requirements. Agents of the National Security Office, which reports to the Office of the President, are responsible for detaining persons suspected of threatening national security. The armed forces have authority to arrest and detain civilians. Police generally do not have a role in cases involving national security.
Impunity for abuse was the norm. There were no known internal or external mechanisms to investigate security force abuse or government actions to reform the security forces.
Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees
The law stipulates that unless there is a “crime in progress,” police must conduct an investigation and obtain a warrant prior to making an arrest, but this seldom occurred. In cases involving national security, the process may be waived. Detainees must be brought before a judge within 48 hours of arrest and may not be held more than 28 days without being charged with a crime. Suspects generally were detained for longer periods without being brought before a judge or charged with a crime and, in some cases, being told the reason for detention. Authorities sometimes arbitrarily changed charges during detention. The government promoted the assumption that detainees detained without charge were held due to national security concerns.
The law provides for a bail system, but it was arbitrary; bail not always set and sometimes reportedly involved paying bribes.
Detainees held on national security grounds did not have access to counsel. Other detainees, including indigent persons, often did not have such access. Incommunicado detention was widespread. Detainees did not have consistent access to visitors. Authorities generally did not permit family visits for persons detained or arrested for reasons purportedly involving national security, whereas they usually permitted visits one day a week with those held for crimes not considered related to national security.
Arbitrary Arrest: Arbitrary arrest occurred frequently. Security force personnel detained individuals for reasons that included suspicion of intent to evade national and militia service, criticizing the government, attempting to leave the country, and unspecified national security threats. Authorities also arrested members of unregistered Christian groups.
Round-ups of persons suspected of evading national service or militia duty occurred. Security personnel entered markets or towns and picked up men who could not prove they had completed or were excused from national service. There was a report that on August 30 that the army’s 22 Kefle-Serawit conducted a round-up in Enda-Kebti. Authorities reportedly took such persons to remote camps for training.
Authorities sometimes arrested persons whose papers were not in order and detained them until they were able to provide evidence of their militia status or demobilization from national service. The government contacted places of employment and used informers to attempt to identify those unwilling to participate in the militia.
There were occasional reports, particularly from rural areas, that security forces detained and interrogated the parents, spouses, or siblings of individuals who evaded national service or fled the country.
Persons arrested in previous years for refusing to bear arms on grounds of conscience and for participating in unregistered religious groups remained in detention.
There were no reported developments regarding at least 180 individuals detained in relation to the brief takeover of the Ministry of Information building in January 2013, with the exception of the case of Major General Omer Hassen (“Tewil”). There was a news report that he died in prison on May 13; additional information was unavailable.
On July 20, an opposition radio station reported that special units under the command of General Philipos Woldeyohanes released 450 detainees from Hashferay jail. Those released had been held for evasion of military service. Among those reportedly released were Colonel Amn Idriss Abu Taweela and Colonel Saleh Jreid, who were abducted from Sudan in 2013.
Pretrial Detention: The government held numerous detainees without charge or due process. The percentage of the prison and detention center population in pretrial detention was not available.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The law and unimplemented constitution provide for an independent judiciary, but executive control of the judiciary continued, and the judiciary was not independent or impartial. Judicial corruption remained a problem. The Office of the President served as a clearinghouse for citizens’ petitions to some courts. It also acted as an arbitrator or a facilitator in civil matters for some courts. The judiciary suffered from lack of trained personnel, inadequate funding, and poor infrastructure.
Trial Procedures
The law and unimplemented constitution provide for the presumption of innocence and for defendants to be informed promptly and in detail of charges “in a language he understands.” The constitution provides for a fair, speedy, and public hearing by a court of law, but it allows the court to exclude the press and public for reasons relating to morals or national security. Defendants do not have the right to trial by jury. The law does not specifically address the provision of adequate time to prepare one’s defense, access to government-held evidence, and the right of defendants to confront witnesses, although courts generally afforded these rights to defendants in cases they did not deem related to national security. There is no right for defendants to refuse to testify.
In civil and criminal courts, defendants have the right to be present and to consult with attorneys. Prosecution and defense lawyers are court appointed and have the right to present witnesses. Courts of first instance are at the regional level. Each party to a case has the right to one appeal. Decisions rendered by any regional court may be appealed to the next appellate court. Should it reverse a decision, the party whose petition was not sustained may appeal to the five-judge upper appellate court. If the lower appellate court upholds the decision of a regional court, there is no second appeal.
Special courts had jurisdiction over corruption and national security cases. During the year authorities did not bring persons detained on national security grounds or for political reasons to trial. Authorities did not inform persons detained on national security grounds of charges against them. Special Courts did not protect the rights of defendants, including by providing access to a lawyer. Judges serve as prosecutors and may request that individuals involved in given cases present their positions. Special Court judges are military officials. The court reports to the Ministry of Defense and the Office of the President. Trials in Special Court are not open to the public, and the court’s decisions are final, without appeal.
Community courts headed by elected officials were widely used in rural areas and generally followed traditional and customary law rather than formal law. For example, on April 21, the inhabitants of the Mogolo administrative area of Gash-Barka elected magisterial judges. Local administrators in rural areas encouraged citizens to reconcile outside the court system for less serious cases. Trials in community courts were open to the public and heard by a panel of judges.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
An international nongovernmental organization (NGO) reported the government held at least ten thousand suspected political prisoners and prisoners of conscious, including opposition politicians, journalists, members of registered and unregistered religious groups, and persons suspected of not completing national service or evading militia practice. Such persons were subjected to harsher treatment in detention than were other detainees. The government did not permit access to detainees by international human rights or humanitarian organizations.
On May 6, the UN special rapporteur on human rights reported that authorities released eight detainees held without charge. Authorities did not publicly acknowledge the release. The majority of the detainees were arrested in 2005 and 2006 in the city of Keren. They included government officials and two medical doctors. The reasons for both their arrest and their release remained unclear.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
There are no civil judicial procedures for individuals claiming human rights violations by the government.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The law and the unimplemented constitution prohibit arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, or correspondence, but the government did not respect these rights.
There were reports security force members targeted gatherings of unregistered religious groups, searched the homes of their members, and detained those suspected of belonging to religious groups not among the four permitted by law (Orthodoxy, Roman Catholicism, Sunni Islam, and Evangelical Lutheranism).
The government monitored mail, e-mail, text messages, and telephone calls without obtaining warrants required by law. Government informers were widely believed to be present throughout the country. Many citizens believed the government monitored cell phones in particular, since permits are required to use SIM cards.
Membership in the PFDJ, the only legal political party, was not mandatory, but authorities pressured some categories of individuals, particularly those occupying government positions, to join the party. Authorities occasionally convoked citizens to attend political indoctrination meetings as part of mandatory participation in the militia irrespective of PFDJ membership. Authorities denied benefits such as ration coupons to those who did not attend. Some Eritreans in the diaspora claimed convocations occurred at Eritrean embassies, with the names of those who did not attend reported to government officials, sometimes resulting in denial of benefits such as passport services.
In the past there were reports authorities occasionally visited refugee camps in Sudan and interrogated and seized persons who had fled the country and in some cases brought them back to Eritrea. No new information was available.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:Share
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
Although the law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of speech and press, the government severely restricted these rights.
Freedom of Speech: The government severely restricted the ability of individuals to criticize the government in public or in private through intimidation by national security forces.
Press Freedoms: The law bans private broadcast media and foreign ownership of the media and requires that documents, including books, be submitted to the government for approval prior to publication. The government controlled all domestic media, including a newspaper published in three languages, three radio stations, and a television station. The media focused primarily on local issues, celebrations, descriptions of good moral practices, and profiles of national heroes.
The law requires journalists to be licensed. The law restricts printing and publication of materials. The printing of a publication by anyone lacking a permit and the printing or dissemination of prohibited foreign publications are both punishable by law. Government approval is required for distribution of publications from religious or international organizations. On May 25, four Catholic bishops issued a pastoral letter that included discussion of human trafficking, emigration, corruption, and rule of law. It called for the imprisoned to be treated humanely, charged, and taken to court, and for persons to demand constitutional rule. There was no official government response.
The government permitted satellite dishes, and their use was common in Asmara, Massawa, and other cities and increasingly in the countryside. As a result some individuals had access to international cable television networks. A number of satellite radio stations operated by diaspora Eritreans, including Radio Erena, based in Paris, attempted to reach listeners in the country. Citizens could also receive radio broadcasts originating in Ethiopia.
Violence and Harassment: The government continued to detain journalists and others associated with the media. It did not provide information about their locations or health. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the government held 23 journalists in detention during the year.
Censorship or Content Restrictions: Most independent journalists remained in detention or lived abroad, which limited domestic media criticism of the government. Authorities required journalists to obtain government permission to take photographs. Journalists practiced self-censorship due to fear of government reprisal.
Libel Laws/National Security: Although the government did not prosecute individuals under libel or national security laws, the government repeatedly asserted national security concerns were the basis of limitations on free speech.
Internet Freedom
The government monitored some internet communications, including e-mail, without obtaining warrants. Internet users could choose from among five service providers, some of which were government owned. The use of internet cafes with limited bandwidth in Asmara was widespread, and persons also used them in other major cities, but the vast majority of persons in the country did not have access to the internet. Internet users who needed larger bandwidth paid prices beyond the reach of many individuals.
Reportedly, government informants frequented internet cafes. The government discouraged citizens from viewing some opposition websites by labeling the sites and their developers as saboteurs. Some citizens expressed fear of arrest if caught viewing such sites. Nonetheless, the sites were generally available.
Academic Freedom and Cultural Events
The government restricted academic freedom and cultural events.
Authorities monitored activities at private secondary schools and in some cases arbitrarily denied visas to foreign teachers or presented impediments to school administration. Some parents of students in private schools charged that educational quality suffered because of disputes between government officials and school administrators.
With few exceptions, secondary school students must spend their last year of high school at the government’s Sawa National Training and Education Center. Students had to complete military training at Sawa before being allowed to take entrance exams for institutions of higher education. Authorities assigned those who took entrance exams to courses of study based on exam results instead of allowing them to choose their own educational paths.
The government sometimes denied passports or exit visas to students and faculty who wanted to study or do research abroad. Some persons claimed authorities scrutinized academic travel for consistency of intent with government policies.
The government censored, canceled, or closed film showings and other cultural activities. It monitored libraries and cultural centers maintained by foreign embassies and in some instances questioned employees and users. The government directly sponsored most major cultural events.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Freedom of Assembly
The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of assembly, but the government restricted this right. For some public gatherings, the government sporadically required those assembling to obtain permits. Gatherings of large groups of persons without prior approval were subject to investigation and interference, with the exception of events that occurred in the context of meetings of government-affiliated organizations, were social in nature, or were events such as weddings, funerals, and religious observances of the four officially registered religious groups.
Freedom of Association
Although the law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of association, the government did not respect this right. The government did not allow any political parties other than the PFDJ. It also prohibited the formation of civil society organizations except those with official sponsorship. The government generally did not allow local organizations to receive funding and resources from or to associate with foreign and international organizations. It closed all international NGO offices in previous years.
c. Freedom of Religion
See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/.
d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons
The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, but the government restricted all these rights. It often denied national service recruits passports and exit visas on the grounds they had not completed their military duties.
The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to provide protection and assistance in some areas, and it restricted UNHCR activities in others. The government expelled the UNHCR country representative in December without explanation. The government defined refugee status differently than the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees. It did not recognize Ethiopians or Sudanese as refugees. It provided protection to Somali refugees on a prima facie basis. The government continued to permit the UNHCR to screen and resettle Somali refugees. UNHCR staff had unhindered access to the Umkulu refugee camp, where the UNHCR funded programs. They did not have access to border areas to monitor new arrivals.
In-country Movement: The government requires citizens to notify local authorities when they change residence, although many did not. When traveling within the country, particularly in remote regions or near borders, authorities asked citizens to provide justification for travel at the few checkpoints in country.
Travel restrictions on noncitizens remained in effect. The government required all diplomats, humanitarian workers, UN staff, and foreign tourists to request permission from the government at least 10 days in advance to travel 15.5 miles or more outside of Asmara. This waiting period was shortened considerably for diplomats residing in country for a long period. Authorities gave the UNHCR a monthly permit for all staff to visit Umkulu refugee camp.
Foreign Travel: The government restricted foreign travel. The government required citizens, including dual nationals, to obtain exit visas to depart the country. Requirements for obtaining passports and exit visas were inconsistent and nontransparent. During the year the government imposed new exit visa restrictions. Authorities generally did not give exit visas to children ages five and older. In September members of the civilian militia were told that any man or unmarried woman in the civilian militia would be unable get an exit visa until further notice. Categories of persons most commonly denied exit visas included men under age 54, regardless of whether they had completed the military portion of national service, and women younger than age 47. The government did not generally grant exit permits to members of the citizen militia, although some whom authorities demobilized from national service or who had permission from their zone commanders were able to obtain them. Authorities arrested persons who tried to cross the border and leave without exit visas. A shoot-to-kill policy was in effect for those attempting to cross the border to exit the country without authorization.
To prevent emigration the government generally did not grant exit visas to entire families or both parents of children simultaneously. Some parents avoided seeking exit permits for children approaching the age of eligibility for national service due to concern they would be denied permission to travel, although other adolescents were granted exit permits. In the past diaspora members who visited the country reported being required to pay a 2-percent tax on foreign earned income before being given exit visas. This was not consistently enforced.
Exile: Many persons who fled the country remained in self-imposed exile due to their religious and political views and fears that they would be conscripted into national service if they returned.
Emigration and Repatriation: In general citizens had the right to return, but citizens residing abroad had to show proof they paid the 2 percent tax on foreign earned income to be eligible for some government services, including passport renewals and real estate transactions. Persons known to have broken laws abroad, contracted serious contagious diseases, or been declared ineligible for political asylum by other governments had their visas and visa requests to enter the country considered with greater scrutiny than others.
Citizenship: The government considered persons of Eritrean descent to be citizens and did not recognize their possible citizenship in other nations, even if they were born outside the country.
In 1994 the government revoked the citizenship of members of Jehovah’s Witnesses due to their refusal to take part in the referendum on independence or participate in the military portion of national service. Members of Jehovah’s Witnesses who did not perform military service were not able to obtain identification cards and thus were not eligible for public sector jobs or for ration coupons to buy basic essentials at government-subsidized prices.
Protection of Refugees
Access to Asylum: The law does not specifically provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status, although the government offered protection to some individuals from neighboring countries, predominantly Somali refugees. The government did not grant Ethiopians or Sudanese asylum, although it allowed them to remain in the country and granted them residency permits that enabled them to access government services. The government required Ethiopians to pay an annual fee of 600 nakfa ($40) for a residency card. The card demonstrated the holder was not indigent.
Employment: There did not appear to be discrimination based on nationality in terms of employment or entitlements with the exception of resident Ethiopians, some of whom the government viewed as potential security risks.
Access to Basic Services: Persons of Ethiopian and Sudanese origin living in the country sometimes claimed they received social entitlements commensurate with the perceived degree of their loyalty to the Eritrean government, including eligibility for ration coupons to buy basic essentials at government-subsidized prices. Most Somalis were restricted to Umkulu camp.
Durable Solutions: According to the UNHCR, the government made local integration available to some Ethiopian and Sudanese refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their GovernmentShare
The law and unimplemented constitution provide citizens the ability to change their government through free and fair elections, but they were not able to exercise this right.
Elections and Political Participation
Recent Elections: The government came to power in a 1993 popular referendum, in which voters chose to have an independent country managed by a transitional government. This government did not permit the formation of a democratic system. The government twice scheduled elections in accordance with the constitution but canceled them without explanation. An official declaration in 2003 asserted that “in accordance with the prevailing wish of the people, it is not the time to establish political parties, and discussion of the establishment has been postponed.” Government officials also stated implementation of the constitution was not possible until the border demarcation with Ethiopia was final.
Political Parties and Political Participation: The country is a one-party state. Political power rested with the PFDJ and its institutions. At times the government coerced persons to join the PFDJ.
Participation of Women and Minorities: Women held three of 17 ministerial positions: justice, tourism, and health. A woman was the minister of labor and human welfare at the start of the year, but she was later replaced by a man. Women also served in other government positions, including as ambassador to France and as regional administrators.
Members of ethnic minorities served on the PFDJ’s Executive Council and the Central Council. Some senior government and party officials were members of minority groups. The head of the navy was an ethnic Afar.
Section 4. Corruption and Lack of Transparency in GovernmentShare
The law provides criminal penalties for corruption by officials, but the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials frequently engaged in corrupt practices with impunity.
The UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea’s October report stated that “officials continue to collect millions of dollars per year through unofficial revenues by means of private business arrangements involving PFDJ-run companies domestically and abroad.” According the monitoring group, the government used “tax havens, secret trusts, and companies incorporated under the names of officials, and, in most cases, the names of private individuals.”
Corruption: Persons seeking executive or judicial services sometimes reported they obtained services more easily after paying a “gift” or bribe. Patronage, cronyism, and petty corruption within the executive branch were based largely on family connections and used to facilitate access to social benefits. Some persons who benefited from preferential treatment due to perceived loyalty to the government subsequently were denied services such as housing when their political loyalties appeared to change. Judicial corruption was a problem, and authorities generally did not prosecute acts such as property seizure by military or security officials or those seen as being in favor with the government.
The UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea’s reports from previous years and reports from others cited allegations that military leaders were involved in trafficking in persons. Members of the armed forces also reportedly engaged in illicit trade in arms and black market sales of goods such as fuel and cement.
There were reports of police corruption. Police occasionally used their influence to facilitate the release from prison of friends and family. Police reportedly demanded bribes to release detainees.
Reports indicated corruption also existed in the issuance of identification and travel documents, including in the passport office. Individuals requesting exit visas or passports sometimes had to pay bribes.
There were no government agencies or effective mechanisms to address allegations of official abuse, and impunity was a problem.
Financial Disclosure: Public officials were not subject to financial disclosure laws.
Public Access to Information: Although the law and unimplemented constitution provide for public access to government information, the government did not as a rule release statistics or provide other information to either citizens or noncitizens.
Section 5. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human RightsShare
The government closed all international NGO offices in previous years. Civil society organizations were few and, other than those with official affiliations, lacked capacity.
The United Nations and Other International Bodies: The government did not permit visits by the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea or the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea. From January 21 to 24, two Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights staff visited the country. They received briefings from government officials, visited UN projects related to health, education, and sanitation, and observed community courts in session. On February 14, authorities met with monitoring group representatives in Cairo, Egypt, and on July 28, government officials participated in a video conference. On July 14, the UN Human Rights Council established a mandate for a commission of inquiry to investigate alleged violations of human rights in the country, and in August a UN political team visited the country to discuss political, economic, and social conditions.
The government permitted the ICRC to operate, although it limited ICRC operations to supporting Ethiopian repatriation, supporting vulnerable Ethiopian residents, implementing assistance projects (water, agriculture and livestock) for persons living in the regions affected by conflict, dissemination of international humanitarian law to students and government officials, and connecting separated family members living abroad to their family members in Eritrea through the Red Cross. Authorities did not permit the ICRC to visit prisons or detention.
Section 6. Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in PersonsShare
The law and unimplemented constitution prohibit discrimination based on race, language, and social status and against women and persons with disabilities, but the government did not enforce these prohibitions. The constitution does not specifically address discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity.
Women
Rape and Domestic Violence: Rape is a crime punishable by up to 10 years in prison. Gang rape or rape of a minor or an invalid is punishable by up to 15 years in prison. Sexual assault is punishable by six months to eight years in prison. The law does not specifically criminalize spousal rape. No information was available on the prevalence of rape, which citizens seldom reported to officials. There were frequent reports of rape in military training camps, during national service, and during interrogations. Communities or families sometimes responded to reports of rape by encouraging the perpetrator to marry the victim, since victims of rape were often perceived as not marriageable.
Domestic violence is punishable as assault and battery. Domestic violence was reportedly commonplace, but domestic violence cases were rarely tried. Women usually refrained from openly discussing domestic violence because of societal pressures. Authorities rarely intervened due to societal attitudes, a lack of trained personnel, and inadequate funding. Traditional authorities, families, or clergy more commonly addressed incidents of domestic violence.
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): The law prohibits FGM/C. The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) stated the prevalence of FGM/C had declined over time. The 2010 Population and Health Survey reported that 83 percent of girls and women ages 15 to 49 had undergone FGM/C. The study found older cohorts had a higher prevalence of FGM/C than younger cohorts. The 2002 Demographic and Health Survey found 89 percent of girls and women had undergone FGM/C.
Sexual Harassment: There is no specific law against sexual harassment. Cultural norms often prevented women from reporting such incidents. There was no record of any person ever being charged or prosecuted for sexual harassment.
Reproductive Rights: Couples and individuals are generally able to decide freely and responsibly the number, spacing, and timing of their children; to have the information and means to do so; and to attain the highest standard of reproductive health free from discrimination, coercion, and violence. Some girls and women reportedly married and had children to avoid national service or being mobilized.
According to the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), the maternal death rate was an estimated at 380 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in 2013. According to 2010 data, skilled health personnel attended 28 percent of births, and 5 percent of girls and women between ages 15 and 49 used a modern method of contraception. Access to government-provided contraception, skilled health attendance during pregnancy and childbirth, prenatal care, essential obstetric care, and postpartum care was available, but women in remote regions sometimes did not seek or could not obtain the care they needed due to lack of transport, fuel, or awareness of opportunities.
Discrimination: Women have the same legal status and rights as men under family, labor, and inheritance law. The law requires equal pay for equal work. The percentage of men receiving access to education, economic resources, and employment exceeded that of women, particularly in rural areas. The Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare and the Ministry of Health are the primary government offices responsible for promoting legal rights of women, along with the quasi-governmental National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW).
Children
Birth Registration: Citizenship is derived from having at least one Eritrean parent, whether the person is born in the country or abroad. Registration of a birth within the first three months requires only a hospital certificate. After three months parents must present themselves to judicial authorities with their child and three witnesses. If not registered a child may not attend school but may receive medical treatment at hospitals. There were reported cases of local officials refusing to register the births of children who had a parent living abroad who did not pay the 2 percent tax on foreign earned income.
Education: Education through grade seven is compulsory and free of tuition, although students’ families were responsible for providing uniforms, supplies, and transportation. Education above grade seven required a nominal fee and was not compulsory. There was a shortage of schools and teachers at all levels. In rural areas parents did not enroll young girls as commonly in school as they did young boys, but the percentage of girls in school continued to increase.
The government requires all students who reach the final year of secondary school to attend grade 12 at the Sawa National Education and Training Center. Students who did not do so could not graduate and therefore could not pursue higher education, although they could attend vocational schools. Some persons who attempted to leave the country did so to avoid going to Sawa. According to the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea, students at Sawa faced “various types of violations, some amounting to torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, and corporal punishment.” The special rapporteur noted reports of students becoming sick and dying and of committing suicide.
On July 5, 700 of the 15,000 to 20,000 students expected to attend presented themselves to start their final year of high school at Sawa. Citizens and other observers considered this demonstrative of citizen resistance to having children attend the last year of schooling at Sawa.
Child Abuse: There are no laws against child abuse. Information on the extent of violence against or abuse of children was not available. Local social welfare teams investigated circumstances reported to be abusive and counseled families when child abuse was evident. The society generally accepted physical punishment of children, particularly in rural areas.
Early and Forced Marriage: The legal minimum age for marriage for both men and women is 18, although religious entities may condone marriages at younger ages. Information on the marriage rate for girls and boys under age 18 was not available. Girls in rural areas were particularly at risk for early marriage. The government encouraged various semiofficial associations such as the NUEW and the National Eritrean Youth and Student Association to discuss the impact of early marriage and raise awareness among youth about its negative consequences. Female ministers spoke publicly on the dangers of early marriage and collaborated with UN agencies to educate the public regarding these dangers. Many neighborhood committees also were active in discouraging the practice.
Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): The law prohibits FGM/C. UNICEF stated the prevalence of FGM/C had declined over time. The 2010 Population and Health Survey reported that 83 percent of girls and women ages 15 to 49 had undergone FGM/C. The study found older cohorts had a higher prevalence of FGM/C than younger cohorts. The 2002 Demographic and Health Survey found 89 percent of girls and women had undergone FGM/C. The UNFPA worked with the government and other organizations, including the NUEW and the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students, on a variety of education programs to discourage the practice.
Sexual Exploitation of Children: The law criminalizes child prostitution, pornography, and sexual exploitation. The minimum age for consensual sex is 18. Penalties for the commercial sexual exploitation of children included imprisonment. Crimes were seldom reported and punishment rarely applied. Data on the extent of child prostitution were not available. Authorities instructed the citizen militia to report evidence of the sexual exploitation of children to facilitate the arrest of patrons and pimps.
Child Soldiers: The law prohibits the recruitment of children under 18 into the armed forces. Children under 18, however, were detained during round-ups and sent to Sawa National Training and Education Center, which is both an educational and military training school. Those who refused to attend and participate in military training either hid, fled the country, or were arrested.
International Child Abductions: The country is not a party to the 1980 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction.
Anti-Semitism
There were no reports of anti-Semitic acts, and the sole synagogue was maintained by the small number of remaining Eritrean Jews.
Trafficking in Persons
See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/.
Persons with Disabilities
The law and unimplemented constitution prohibit discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. There are no laws on discrimination in air travel and other transportation and access to health care. The constitution does not specify the types of disabilities against which it prohibits discrimination. The government did not effectively enforce prohibitions, although it implemented programs to assist persons with disabilities, especially combat veterans. The government dedicated substantial resources to support and train thousands of persons with physical disabilities, especially for those missing limbs that resulted from the war for independence and the later conflict with Ethiopia. No laws mandate access for persons with disabilities to public or private buildings, information, and communications. An increasing number of hotels and government offices provided such access or employed guards who offered assistance as needed. There were special schools for children with hearing, sight, mental, and intellectual disabilities. Information on whether there were patterns of abuse in educational and mental health facilities was not available. The Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare is responsible for protecting the rights of persons with disabilities including mental disabilities.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
Governmental and societal discrimination allegedly continued against ethnic minorities, particularly against the nomadic Kunama and the Afar, two of nine ethnic groups in the country.
Acts of Violence, Discrimination, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
The law criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual activity, which is punishable by 10 days to three years’ incarceration. The government did not actively enforce this law. Antidiscrimination laws relating to lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) persons do not exist. There are no hate crime laws or other criminal justice mechanisms to investigate bias-motivated crimes against LGBT persons.
Foreign male tourists reported that hotel staff in different cities told them men could not share a room. There were no reports of Eritrean men encountering this restriction. There was no official action to investigate and punish those complicit in abuses, including state or nonstate actors. There were no known LGBT organizations in the country. In general society stigmatized discussion of LGBT issues.
Section 7. Worker RightsShare
a. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective Bargaining
The law provides for the right of workers to form and join independent unions, bargain collectively, and conduct legal strikes. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination and requires reinstatement of union leaders dismissed for union activity, but it does not provide equivalent protection for other workers dismissed for engaging in union activity. The law allows unions to be established in workplaces with at least 20 employees and requires a minimum of 15 members to form a union. The law requires prior authorization from the Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare to establish a union, but it deems registration granted if no response is received from the ministry within one month.
The government did not effectively enforce the applicable laws. While there is a fine of 1,200 nakfa ($80) for antiunion discrimination or acts of interference, this did not constitute an adequate deterrent, according to the International Labor Organization. No corresponding penal law provisions specifically address labor violations.
The government did not respect freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining. There were no reports of strikes, collective bargaining, or government opposition to, or approval of, the formation of labor associations during the year. Unions existed as governmental organizations for hotel workers, service personnel, agricultural professionals, and teachers, among other employment sectors. They were ineffective in promoting or protecting workers rights. The minimal civil society in the country did not play any significant role in labor issues.
b. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
The law prohibits forced labor and slavery. The law’s definition of forced labor excludes activities performed as part of national service or other civic obligations, and labor protections limiting hours of work and prohibiting harsh conditions did not apply to persons engaged in national service. The law provides penalties of five to 20 years’ imprisonment for “enslavement.” The law also provides penalties of imprisonment and fines for “violation of the right to freedom to work,” which appears to covers situations of forced labor.
By law all citizens between ages 18 and 50 must perform national service, with limited exceptions. The national service obligation consists of six months of military training and 12 months of active military service and development tasks in the military forces for a total of 18 months, or for those unfit to undergo military training, 18 months of service in any public and government organ according to the person’s capacity and profession. There is no provision for alternative service for conscientious objectors.
Despite the 18-month limit on national service under the law, the government did not demobilize many conscripts from the military as scheduled and forced some to serve indefinitely under threats of detention, torture, or punishment of their families. Persons performing national service could not resign or take other employment, generally received no promotions or salary increases, and could not leave the country legally because they were frequently denied passports or exit visas. Those conscripted into the national service performed standard patrols and border monitoring in addition to labor such as agricultural terracing, planting, road maintenance, hotel work, teaching, construction, and laying power lines. In 2012 the government instituted a compulsory citizen militia, requiring persons not already in the military, including many who were demobilized or exempted from military service in the past, to carry firearms and attend militia training. Failure to participate in the militia or national service could result in detention. There was evidence of forced child labor in government summer work programs for secondary students.
Also see the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/.
c. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
The legal minimum age for employment is 14, although this restriction does not apply to self-employed workers. The law prohibits those under age 18 from employment in categories including transport industries, work connected with toxic chemicals or dangerous machinery, or work underground or in sewers. This restriction does not apply to training. The government prohibits persons under age 18 from employment between 6:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m. and for more than seven hours per day.
Labor inspectors from the Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare are responsible for enforcing child labor laws, but inspections were infrequent and penalties, if imposed, arbitrary. Although the government had a national action plan to protect children from exploitation in the workplace, it did not enforce the plan effectively.
Children in rural areas commonly worked on family farms, fetched firewood or water, and herded livestock. In urban areas children worked as street vendors of cigarettes, newspapers, and chewing gum. Children also worked in small-scale garages, bicycle repair shops, metal workshops, and tea and coffee shops. They also transported grain or other goods via donkey cart. Child domestic service occurred. Data on the extent of child prostitution were not available. Begging by children occurred in Asmara.
The government continued to require secondary school students in the ninth, 10th, and 11th grades to participate in summer work programs known as “maetot.” News reports indicated students engaged in activities such as environmental conservation, agricultural activities (irrigation, maintenance of canals, and terracing), and production and maintenance of school furniture. The government required all secondary school students to complete 12th grade at the Sawa National Education and Training Center.
Also see the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor at www.dol.gov/ilab/reports/child-labor/findings/.
d. Discrimination with Respect to Employment or Occupation
With respect to employment or occupation, labor laws prohibit discrimination based on race, sex, gender, disability, color, social origin, nationality, political orientation, or religion. The government did not effectively enforce the laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The national minimum wage for employees of PFDJ-owned enterprises and government employees was 360 nakfa per month. At the official exchange rate this equaled $24 (15 nafka to $1, but at the unofficial market rate it was equivalent to $7.20 ($1 to 50 nafka). There was no national minimum wage for private sector workers. The government paid national service recruits according to a fixed scale, and the most common salary was 500 nakfa ($33/$10) per month. For some professions wages had not increased for more than a decade despite high inflation. The standard workweek was 44.5 hours, but employers sometimes required overtime without fair compensation. There were no prohibitions against excessive overtime. The law entitles workers to overtime pay, except for those employed under national service, but this was not always enforced. The legal rest period is one day per week, although most received one and one-half days.
No published occupational health and safety standards existed. The Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare is responsible for worker safety and welfare. The ministry employed inspectors, but the number was unclear. No regular enforcement mechanisms were in place, and no inspections of factories occurred to determine whether safety equipment was in use. No major industrial accidents were known to have occurred, including in the mining sector.
Information regarding abuses pertaining to wage, overtime, safety, and health standards was neither reported nor available.
