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EPDP Editorial 

After 27 years of dictatorship and brutality, the dictator of Burkina Faso, Blaise Campaore who came to power through coup d’état in 1987, fled in disgrace to the neighboring country of Ivory Coast on October 31 following massive protests and unrests that went to the extent of storming and burning his Party’s Headquarters and other government buildings in the capital city of Ouagadougou. The popular uprising was set off by Blaise’s attempt to amend the two term limit provision stipulated in the country’s constitution in order to prolong his reign, which is unconstitutional. But nothing is new here; when things do not go in their favor, it is a common practice for many African authoritarian leaders to repeal term limit, amend it, or come up with a new one in order to stay in power for life.  

Yet, for the people of Burkina Faso, the term limit was only a catalyst in the ouster of president Blaise from power; the protest was against the three decades of absolute rule of president Blaise that brought poverty and inequality, political repression, as well as deprivation of fundamental social and political rights. Again, tens of thousands protesters showed up in the streets of Ouagadougou, and the popular rage instantaneously reached a level of no return and forced Campaore to flee the country. They chanted liberty; they chanted justice; they demanded constitutional democracy; they told their leaders to stop manipulating their country’s constitution.  

Yes, the people of Burkina Faso won; their revolution toppled the one-man dictatorial rule that lasted for 27 years in just few days. Yes, the downfall of president Blaise also brought thrills and new hopes in Burkina Faso. However, despite the excitement and enthusiasm, what we are witnessing in Burkina Faso is not uniquely different from the recent uprisings that brought dictatorships down, and ended up facing power vacuum, political crisis, and instability, especially in African countries - because of the absence of an organized opposition that can pave the way for democratic transition through adopting a constitutional democracy. True, the Burkina Faso’s army, using such a political vacuum and opportunity, and on the pretext of order and stability of the country, it moved in and seized power by dissolving the General Assembly and suspending the constitution. And it declared it formed a transitional government led by one of its own, Lt. Col Isaac Zida, even though the constitution of Burkina Faso states that “the president of the Senate should take over after the national president resigns and an election should take place between 60 and 90 days afterwards.”  

In the midst of all this, the African Union and UN are warning of an imminent sanction against the military - an attempt to force the army to form a civilian transition body until elections are held in the country. But these are all toothless threats. It didn’t work in Egypt and in many other countries that recently toppled dictatorial regimes. The brute fact is majority of African leaders are throwing in such a threat of sanction (a provision adopted by African Union few years ago) not out of commitment to democracy and freedom, but out of fear of similar changes and popular uprising that may happen in their own countries.   

History has repeatedly shown that African opposition forces are either weak, operate along ethnic and tribal fault lines, easily forced into submission by the army, or cooperate with the military for self enriching, a fundamental reason why popular uprising is always at risk of being hijacked in Africa by self-serving groups, mainly the military establishment and extremists. This is an area where African opposition forces in general and Eritrea’s oppositions in particular need to address at the level of building institutions from bottom up, empowering citizens, and creating a cohesive and united leadership.  

Nevertheless, the people of Burkina Faso are holding their ground for now by rejecting the army’s takeover of power. They are aggressively demanding the army to give power and return to its barracks. Time will tell if the opposition forces of Burkina Faso will continue to galvanize the people against the army’s illegal seizure of power by forging unity among various forces under the banner of one message and one cause – an uprising for establishing constitutional democracy. Only then can we dub it an African uprising. 

For Eritreans, the lesson from the uprising of Burkina Faso is this: popular uprisings are unpredictable; they are quick and unstoppable like a powerful tsunami given an opportune circumstance. And they can bring down the most powerful dictator in a matter of days. It is also true that in the wake of popular uprising, chaos, instability, and power vacuum is possible. In our country resistance is simmering against the PFDJ regime. And this resistance will explode in the form of popular uprising; it is a matter of time. The question is where are we? And are we doing enough to prevent power vacuum when the day comes to our country. EPDP knows one thing, and that is disorganized and fragmented popular uprising is more dangerous than anything else for our country.

EPDP Information Office

Picking up a timely topic on public diplomacy, Mr. Menghesteab Asmerom, chairman of the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP), on November 1, 2014, addressed a gathering of German friends in Frankfurt, briefing them on the refugee phenomenon that has bedeviled Eritrea and its people for the past 50 years.

Organized by a discussion group at Kirchplaz in Frankfurt, the meeting aimed to create awareness among Germans about the frightening social collapse in Eritrea and the worsening refugee exodus of young Eritreans.

Earlier publicized in a leading German daily newspaper as a public seminar on the root cause of the refugee exodus from Eritrea and its possible solutions, the event attracted many German intellectuals and leading figures in Frankfurt, the commercial hub in central Europe.

The EPDP chairman opened the discussion with an introductory background on the refugee problem in Eritrea that started in 1967 and continued till the present time. He explained four waves of refugee exodus from Eritrea and explained their causes including all the hazards Eritrean refugees face in their risky ventures while trying to escape the worse things they left at home.

Mr. Menghesteab Asmerom also dealt on what could be done to at least improve the sad situation. He listed six actions as temporary solutions, and these included: effective support programmes for refugees in the neighbourhood of Eritrea; improvement of relations between Eritrea and its neighbours; abolishing or at least limiting the the period of national service; improvement of governance in refugee-producing countries and others.

Following his presentation, Mr. Mussie Semere, a young party member in Germany, read a summary of the pastoral letter issued last May by four Eritrean Catholic Bishops on the ongoing alarming societal breakdown in Eritrea.

Seminar participants discussed the presentations and raised very important questions regarding the disquieting condition in Eritrea and the plight of its people, including the refugees.

Causes of the Exodus of Eritrean

Refugees and Suggested Solutions

By Menghesteab Asmerom,

Frankfurt, 01.11.2014

Eritrea is a small country with an estimated population of 6 million and a size of about 120,000 square kms. It was established as one colonial territory 124 years ago by Italy. The population is composed of 9 ethnic/linguistic groups and the majority are agriculturalists, nomadic cattle herders and fishermen.

Eritrea has been successively colonized/ruled by Italy, Britain and Ethiopia. The Eritrean people's resistance against its colonizers has taken many forms, peaceful and armed. Eritrea became independent in 1991 after 30-year long (1961-1991) armed struggle against Ethiopian occupation and has become a sovereign nation through an internationally recognized popular referendum 1n 1993.

As we all know, the main causes of human displacements and refugee flows are natural disasters, wars, poverty, bad governance and corruption.

The first wave of Eritrean refugees:-

Eritreans began to flee their country in large numbers in 1967, when the Ethiopian army started to carry its scorched-earth policy by burning and bombarding whole villages in the lowland areas of Eritrea where the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) fighters were active. These refugees were mostly Muslims inhabiting the lowland regions of Eritrea as well as some from the highlands. The first group took refuge in the Sudan.

The second wave of refugees:-

In 1974 Emperor Haileselassie was deposed by a military junta, the Derg. The military junta carried out successive campaigns of terror against the people of Eritrea and intensified its attacks against the Eritrean liberation movements, ELF and EPLF. As a result, many Eritreans were forced to flee their country to the Sudan, the Middle East and even as far as Europe and North America.

The third wave of refugees:-

The cause for this flow of refugees was the civil war in 1980-81 that was waged between the two biggest Eritrean liberation movements. As a result of this, tens of thousands of ELF fighters and civilians were forced to enter the Sudan. Many of these fighters were in due time able to reach Europe and North America through legal and illegal means. More refugees left the country in 1984-85 because of drought and famine.

The fourth wave of refugees:-

This flow of refugees happened after the border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia of 1998-2000 and it has not shown any sign of coming to an end. Nowadays, the cause for the flow of refugees is the open-ended national service. Originally the project was meant for 18 months’ service for Eritreans between the ages of 18-40.

The great majority of the refugees in the ongoing fourth wave are the youth, the majority of whom are under 25 years of age, and, as noted, the main reason why they are fleeing their country is their opposition to the endless national service and the flagrant abuse of their human rights by the one man dictatorial regime in Eritrea.

According to reports of the UN, there are over 300,000 Eritrean registered refugees in the Sudan. Many more stay with their relatives and countrymen without passing through the refugee camps. There are about 150,000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopian refugee centers.

According to UNHCR estimates, not less than 3,000 Eritrean refugees cross the border and enter into the Sudan every month. Some are killed by the Eritrean border guards while crossing the border.

There are two refugee routes:-

1. Eritrea...Sudan/Ethiopia...Libya...Italy

2. Eritrea...Sudan/Ethiopia...Egypt/Sinai...Israel

The second route was opened in 2006 when Italy and Libya agreed to curb the flow of refugees to Europe. Israel is holding the refugees in concentration camps because they are considered as illegal infiltrators rather than refugees by the government. It has also entered into bilateral agreements with third countries in Africa to send back refugees.

Smugglers and Human Traffickers:-

The main groups involved in human smuggling in the region are the Rashaida in the Eritrea-Sudan border region and the Bedouin of Sinai. But the network of human traffickers is much more complex. There are Eritrean, Ethiopian, Sudanese, Egyptian, Libyan security and military officials, extremist Islamic parties in addition to doctors and gangs trafficking with arms, drugs and human organs in the network.

Victims are sold several times to successive human traffickers` groups. Every kidnapped refugee has to pay ransom between 2,000 to 50,000 US dollars in order to be released by his/her captors. The captors use different types of torture to force their prey to pay the ransom money. The torture methods used includes beatings, dropping molten plastic on their backs, hanging on the ceilings and rape.

If the victims have relatives in Europe, they are expected to pay a big amount of money. In order to pay the requested money the relatives will be connected to their respective relative through a mobile phone while being tortured and hear his/her sufferings and cries for help to save him/her from his captors.

If the ransom money is not paid, some of the victims’ internal organs are reportedly taken away and sold to human organ traffickers or die under torture.

If for some reason the flow of refugees to Sinai or Libya decreases or dries the criminal gangs kidnap the ones that are registered in the refugee camps whose fate will certainly be the same as their predecessors.

Many refugees die in the deserts due to thirst, hunger, sickness and overcrowding or drown in the high seas. On 3 October 2013 more than 360 Eritreans drowned near the coast of Lampadusa, Italy, a tragedy that shock the world at large.

Pope Francis, who described 3 October as “a day of tears” and “shame” to the world because of its failure to contain such tragedies, inspired many actors to give attention to the situation in Eritrea, including Italy and the European Union.

This inspiration by the Pope also seems to have encouraged four Eritrean Catholic Bishops to issue inside Eritrea on 25 May 2014 a strong pastoral message calling on all Eritreans to act and solve the problem before it gets too late. The message expressed the fear of total societal collapse in Eritrea within a short time unless Eritreans react and stop the unchecked exodus of the young.

What should be done?

1. Until a lasting solution is found, Eritrean refugees in the Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Yemen must have the right to education, training and employment in their respective countries of asylum.

2. There must be a mechanism to establish permanent peace between Eritrea, Ethiopia and the Sudan.

3. Security must be strengthened in and around the refugee camps in the Sudan and Ethiopia.

4. The marginalized or alienated communities in Sudan and Egypt (The Rashaidas and the Bedouin) should be accommodated in their respective governments and be involved in the affairs of their countries.

5. Eritrea, Ethiopia and the Sudan should coordinate their fight against human traffickers.

6. Political changes must be realized in the refugees’ source country/ies. In Eritrea, for example, if not total change, at least the rule of law should be established in a constitutional state, national service programme be limited or totally abolished, political space be opened, political prisoners released, the military be demobilized and job opportunities created.

This can serve as an opening of our discussion today.

Thank you for listening.

  October 17, 2014

 Written by: The COI-Eritrea Team

If one were to take a glance at the Eritrean history pages that desperately await an objective scribe and flip from the page of September 1st, 1961 to October 3rd, 2013, the vines of time that bind these two dates would surely appear as if poisoned by a tragic irony. Hamed Idris Awate’s first shot would have appeared as if it were released from the hand of a track inspector signaling the start of a mad race into exile – and October 3rd, 2013, would have been but a glimpse of an episode that earned its horrible notoriety for mercilessly daring to vandalize, with horrific features, what is otherwise a solemn picture of routine exodus. Context and all that remains untold in between these two dates are the only pieces that would spare this exercise of comparison from being a juxtaposition of sorts.

The question of “How did we get here?” is also best answered by history; unhurried in its glorious, detailed manifestation and unraveled with the stinging of brutally honest assessments from our historians and analysts. The pondering of how the people of what was once known as “The Land by the Sea” perished into the sea, divides its rich irony both for the pages of the historians and its poets. The question of “How did we get here?” doesn’t just don an inquisitive feature, but levels a serious suit against the apparent acts of injustices accrued over the years. And this question lingers, grows and chokes the conscience of all who have looked into and at the daunting reality of the human rights violations of Eritreans today.

As it pertains to the exodus of Eritrean citizens, it is often discussed as a neat equation of the push and pull phenomenon. The “push” argument is often understood as a cause that fashions itself as a crisis of the times. When a nation functions lawlessly, however, the “push” factor is not a phase but a consistent and systematic mechanism of rejection & ejection of the citizens by the State. And the decision of a citizen to live in exile, in this context, is an intersection waiting to be crossed and that intersection is not where one is introduced to a motive, but discovers an otherwise unnecessary opportunity to pursue a better life in exile. The Eritrean youth, a majority of those in exodus, is either born into or grows up in a system that, by its very nature of injustice, produces a perpetually uprooted state of being. When one waits for the day to escape lawlessness, that soul’s investment is in a just and peaceful future outside the homeland. If lawlessness compels the citizens of a nation to abandon their country, then the exodus of the citizens is as much of a quest for justice as it is an escape from injustice. Just as much, any aspect of injustice that perpetuates the exodus of its citizens is nothing less than a criminal act that, in essence, can be argued as a case of a masked deportation en masse. It may not be a legal phrase, but what adequately expresses this reality is “Kid aytbelo kemzkheid gbero”: a Tigrigna adage that conveys a deliberate action that executes its aim indirectly. In this case, the PFDJ regime’s action perpetuates the people’s exile.

Exodus is a label that must be unpacked and examined thoroughly; it is not merely people en route, but a set of tangible and abhorrently real testimonies of people with wounds, victims of and witnesses to gruesome violations. When citizens are stripped of their rights to due process, to free elections, to pursue a livelihood, to enjoy their basic liberties and the consequences of such deprivations are deliberate acts and policies of the State, then the consequences that befall on the citizens and what can be leveled against them is not purely circumstantial. But, of course, the mission here is clear: we are here to identify concrete stories of abominable violations of the human rights of Eritreans so that we can provide the Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea (COI) what it requires to unequivocally indict those responsible. A sober, meticulous and careful work is what we must engage in and its success is critically dependent on the testimonies of courageous Eritreans everywhere.

The Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea was established because a number of Eritrean activists worked tirelessly over the years to expose the human rights violations of Eritreans to the international community and specifically the UN Human Rights Council. Human Rights Concern-Eritrea was instrumental in forming the necessary connections to ensure this historic decision was expedited, in light of the current human rights situation in Eritrea as well as the tragedies faced by those fleeing. It must be noted without any equivocation, however, that the COI on Eritrea is established as the result of every activist who raised awareness of the injustices and crimes of the regime; every journalist who sought credible news to report; every ordinary Eritrean who provided support and encouragement to these efforts and most importantly every victim and family member who spoke publicly about their personal suffering.

It takes courage to give testimony on behalf of oneself or on behalf of those whose rights were violated by PFDJ. And yes, there may be certain deterrents that discourage one from speaking out; the sense of shame or betrayal are examples of familiar cultural offenses. Nevertheless, the courage to speak out, in this case, is just as much a quest for justice on behalf of an entire nation as it is on behalf of oneself and other victims. To stand up for your rights and for those of your countrywomen and men, is to stand up for the future welfare of the nation that thousands have bled, died and sacrificed for. 

While it is important that victims obtain justice for the grave human rights violations they endured, the significance of the COI goes beyond those in the Diaspora able to share their stories. Those who died at the hands of the regime and those still languishing in prisons are obviously not able to come forward and testify. The responsibility to restore dignity to their lives and hold the responsible parties accountable lies with us. Victims should be encouraged to come forward and speak openly about their experience; victims’ families should share their suffering and the rest of us should commend their courage to represent the truth, regardless of a possible hostile reception. As Eritreans used to masking our fears in shame, we are obligated to support and encourage them to come forward and validate this new era of openness instead of clinging to destructive secrecy. It is within our power to influence what the outcome of the COI will be and with power comes responsibility; in this case, we are responsible to the victims of the current Eritrean government, both alive and deceased.

That the Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea is a United Nations construct and thereby deemed untrustworthy may be a valid concern of some Eritreans on both sides of the political aisle. However, this notion can be challenged with vigilance and engagement by all of us, particularly the justice seeking community. What must be emphasized is that the findings and decisions of the COI depend solely on the testimonies and evidence provided by Eritreans. This effort to obtain justice for our victimized brothers and sisters may not conform to the self-reliant and anti-external intervention ideal Eritreans are attached to but it is currently the only legal platform afforded to these victims and their families. As the daily headlines remind us, our youth are fleeing the country to avoid being subjected to various human rights violations and our tragic reality is that this solution is neither safe nor sustainable. The COI will allow the voices of these youth and others to be heard and hopefully hold the criminal element of PFDJ accountable by exposing the abusers and bringing justice to the victims, with the hopes that collective healing and reconciliation are what follows.

We encourage you to visit our website: www.coi-eritrea.org, stay in touch, join us as we continue to work on behalf of those victimized.

The  EPDP  third  regional  Congress  of  North  America  was  held  at  the  backdrop  of  the  unique Frankfurt  Festival  of  Aug.  2014.   Representatives  of  the  congress   began  arriving  in  the City  of  Chicago  via  air  and   land  from  near  and  far  corners  of  the  United  States  and  Canada  not  to  mention  some   of  our  members  who  suffered  waiting  in  airports  due  to  unexpected  flight  cancellations.  Though   there  was  a  delay,  most  of  them  made  it  to  the  congress.

On  the  morning  of  9/27,  after  Kaleab  Kiflegiorgis,  a  member  of  the  preparatory  committee  gave  a  brief  welcome  speech  and  Woldu  Negasi,  chairman  of  the  preparatory  committee  thanked  the  outgoing   zoba  committee   and  highlited  the  important  role  of  Kaleab  and  Mahari  Berhe  in  the  preparatory  committee,  the  official  kick  off  of  the  congress  began.   According  to  the  wishes  of  the  preparatory  committee,  Alem  Yohannes, member  of  the  central  committee  and  deputy  of  foreign  affairs  in  the  U.S.   recognized   by  name  the  following  individuals    for  their  special  contributions  to  our  party  like  compatriots  Mohamed Ali  Ibrahim,  who  was  imprisoned  for  seven years  before  independence  by  EPLF,  and  later  member  of   EPDP  central  committee,  now  abducted  by an  unknown  enemy  whose  whereabouts   not  yet  known  to  us.  At  this  point,  Alem  reminded  the  congress  that  until  we  find  him  efforts  shall  not  stop.  Dr. Gebremeskel,  Antonio  Tesfai, Zahaye  Aria,  Woldu  Negasi,  Tesfai  Degiga,  Girmai  Temesgen(Kashi )   and  Tesfai  Kahsai.

Tesfamichael  Yohannes,  member  of  the  executive  committee  and  head  of  the  organizational  office  praised  the  preparatory  committee  and   the Chicago  branch  for  their  tireless  work  that  enabled  us  to  convene  the  congress.

Then  Tesfai Degiga,  member  of  the  executive  committee  and  head  of  economic  office  read  a  good  wish  message  from  the  chairman  of  EPDP (Mengsteab  Asmerom)  to  the  congress.  He  also  recounted  the  one  year  anniversary  of  the  Lampadusa  tragedy  and  the dire  conditions  of  our  people  at  home  and  abroad.  Degiga   reminded  the  congress  and  the reader  about  the  continuous  memoranda /petitions  of  EPDP  to  International  Organizations  and  individual  countries  to  provide  aid  towards  training  the  Eritrean  youth  who  are  languishing  in  refugee  camps  in  Sudan,  Ethiopia,  Israel  and  others  without  any  skills  or  future.  Tesfai  Degiga  concluded  by  wishing  the congress  success.

After  that,  brother  Yosef  Haile,  now  former  chairman  of  NA,   presented  a  frank  report  on  the  two - year  experience  of  the  committee.  He  put  it  briefly  as  follows:

·         Challenges  were  experienced  and  some  successes  were  registered.

·         He  revealed   the  weak  and  strong  points  of   zoba   and  branhes. 

·         He  set  forward   to  the  congress  points  that  have  to  be  improved  through  discussion  and  finding  solutions  for  future  use.

Teku  Tesfai,  then  treasurer  presented  the  North  America  congress   his  financial  report  as  following:

·         A  total  two – year  membership  fees.

·         Monies  collected  through  donations  and  other  campaigns.

·         And  he  depicted   the  general  report  of  the  finances  and  its  management   in  a  table.

The 3^rd. congress  selected  a  five -  member  committee  to   manage  or  lead  the  congress.  They  are:  Alem  Yohannes,  Woini  Woldeselassie,  Girmai  Temesgen (Kashi),  Efrem  Taffere  and  Twolde  Mahari.  Under  the  leadership  of  this  committee  the  congress  debated  thoroughly  on  the  reports  presented  by  the  respective  individual  zoba  leadership.  At last  the  reports  were  ratified  by  great  majority.

A  Self - Assessment  Centered  Study  Was  Presented  By  the  Task  Force:

This  document,  the  first  of  its  kind  in  EPDP,  was  briefed   to  the  congress  by  brothers,  Dr.  Gebremeskel  and  Laine  Khasai.  It  was  an  in depth  study  of  the  activities/inactivities  of  our  North  America  members.

PS:  The  task  force  was  assigned  by  Zoba  leadersip.

In  turn  sister  Eritra  Alazar, member  of  EPDP  executive  committee  and  head  of  Eritrean  women’s  office  reminded  the  congress  that  are  tasks  carried  on  by  responsible (interested)  members  both  in  the  party  and  zoba  levels.

Resolutions  And  Recommendations  Of  The  Congress:

The  3^rd.  NA  Congress  emphasized  on  the  Following:

·         The  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  four  Catholic  Bishops  of  Eritrea  which  the  congress  renewed  its  unconditional  support.

·         The  Jan.,  2014  heroic  attempt  of  wedi  Ali  against  the  dictatorial  system  in  Asmara.

·         The  2014  issues  raised  in  the  Pretoria  Conference,  again  repeated  in  Frankfurt  and  Bologna  festivals  were  solidly  supported  by  the  congress.

The  North  America  Congress  also  re-assured  its  solidarity  with  the  group  known  as ”DELAITI  FITHI,”

The  main  contents  of  the  resolutions  and  recommendations  will  be  posted  separately. 

With  regard  to  the  predicament  faced  by  our  refugees,  the  congress  discussed  ways  and  means  for  solutions  however,  the  consensus  reached  was  to  replace  the  Isaias  regime  with  a democratic  system  by  searching  ways  of  creating  connections  between  the  Diaspora  and  the  home  front  movements  in  order  to  strengthen  the  struggle.  Though  this  may  seem  a 

far - fetched  idea,  it  is  the  only  lasting  solution  for  the  refugees  and  our  people  in  general. 

After  two  long  days  of discussions  and   spirited  debates  the  Congress  elected  its  leaders  democratically  and  concluded  its  task.  Members  of  the  congress  left  the  venue  with  their  heads  up  and  morally  strong.

Svensk-eritreansk samarbetsorganisation för demokratiutveckling

Den 3 oktober är, 1 år sedan omkring 360 flyktingar från Eritrea som drunknade i medelhavet vid Italien - Lampedusakusten.
Svensk-eritreansk samarbetsorganisation för demokratiutveckling

Det var det största flyktingkatastrofen som dragit världs uppmärksamhet. Innan dess som inte hade uppmärksammats och efter denna tid också fortsätter flyktingar att drunkna många gånger vid deras flyktväg till Europa via Libyen och andra länder vid Medelhavet.

Manifestation, för minne på Ett Års Sorg - Lampedusa Katastrofen!

Den Svensk - Eritreansk Samarbetsorganisation för Mänskliga rättigheter i samarbete med många civila organisationer kommer att hålla minnes manifestation vid Sergelstorg lördagen den 27 september 2014. I Sverige finns flera flyktingar som har överlevt Lampedusa katastrofen Idag. Bland dem finns Adal som förlurade sin bror och han skriver bok om Lampedusa katastrofen. Vid manifestationen ska delta flera religiösa ledare och politiker samt de som överlevde katastrofen.

Vi ska tända ljus till minne av dem som miste livet i Lampedusa.

Vi skickar denna inbjudan till er att uppvakta minnesstund tillsammans

Datum: Lördagen den 27 september 2014
Tid: 18.30 - 21.30
Plats: Sergelstorg - T- Centralen

Mvh
SESADU
Kontakta: Alazar Hagos 070-7223289 - Yosief Yohannes 070-863 2965

Swedish-Eritrean organization for democracy On October 3, is 1 year since about 360 refugees from Eritrea who drowned in the Mediterranean Sea at the coast of Lampedusa

It was the largest refugee catastrophe which attracted worldwide attention. Prior to that which had not been recognized, and since then also continuing refugees drowning many times during their escape route to Europe via Libya and other Mediterranean countries.

Candlelight vigil for the memory of a year's Grief - Lampedusa disaster

The Swedish - Eritrean Cooperative Organization for Human Rights in cooperation with many civil organizations will hold commemorative evening at Sergel's Square on Saturday 27 September 2014 In Sweden there are many refugees who have survived the catastrophe of Lampedusa today. Among them is Adal who lost his beloved brother, and now he writes book on Lampedusa disaster. At the commemoration will attend several religious leaders and politicians, and those who survived the disaster.

We will light candles in memory of those who lost their lives in Lampedusa. We invite all concerned to participate in this commemoration Date: Saturday, September 27, 2014 Time: 18:30 to 21:30 Location: Sergelstorg - T Center
With best regards,
SESADU Board