
ራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 30/07/2016 إذاعة صوت الحرية
Written by EPDP Information Officeራዲዮ ድምጺ ሓርነት 23/07/2016 إذاعة صوت الحرية
Written by EPDP Information OfficeAnonymous Eritrea: Communicating in a Paranoid State
Written by Abraham T. ZerePosted 4 August 2016 18:37 GMT
Eritrean diaspora on social media. Photo by Yonatan Tewelde, used with permission.
Written by Abraham T. Zere
A few months ago an Eritrean acquaintance called me to discuss an article he wanted to write for PEN Eritrea’s website. He had worked as a journalist in Eritrea, where we’re both from, before fleeing the country nearly ten years ago.
He had recently spoken out (under a pen name) about his former colleagues who were languishing incommunicado in detention centers in Eritrea, a story that was then covered by various media including The Guardian, in partnership with our organization.
Before I could congratulate him on this, he began discussing safe ways to send the article. He said he wanted to write the article anonymously. He lives in the United States under a grant of political asylum.
I gave him both my email address and an official email address for article submission. “But email is not safe,” he replied. “Eritrean security can crack it.” He explained that he wanted to avoid imperiling family members back home.
I countered that it was unlikely that Eritrean security would bother to hack the email accounts of two relatively unimportant Eritreans living in the US. This is an unfounded fear that exaggerates the reach of Eritrean security, I said. I explained that PEN Eritrea is trying to fight such inherent fear and discourages authors from writing anonymously or under pen names unless the person is at great risk, say from inside the country. It is our policy to request that all contributors to take full responsibility for what they write. We also require contributors’ email addresses to be included for publication.
A culture of fear that goes beyond borders
My colleague is not alone. His is a pervasive fear that has been inculcated among many Eritreans. They have experienced one of the world’s most repressive dictatorships, a place where the populace is subject to mass surveillance. Once they flee the country, it can take years for expatriate Eritreans to fully comprehend what was happening to them. Many live under extreme paranoia, suspecting conspiracies around every corner.
I frequently encounter Eritreans living safely in the West, with political asylum, who feel they can’t even “like” social-media posts that are critical of the regime back home. Instead they prefer privately writing or calling the individual whose post they wanted to react to. They fear the regime is tapping everyone’s social media account.
And their fears aren’t entirely unfounded. It is public knowledge that the prime job of Eritrean consular offices and their surrogates throughout the diaspora has been reduced to watching who’s associating with whom, in order to report when somebody with “incorrect” associations returns to Eritrea. This practice has imperiled many Eritreans when they went home to visit family members. As Tricia Redeker Hepner discusses in her book “Soldiers, Martyrs, Traitors, and Exiles: Political Conflict in Eritrea and the Diaspora” (2009) the trend also extends to audio recording by their compatriots via hidden devices to report to the state security back home.
This innate fear has been cultivated by the ruling elites’ longstanding tradition of ignoring the rule of law and behaving irrationally and unpredictably. At any point, a torturer might turn into the victim. The steady flow of arbitrary arrests and intimidation of journalists, in particular, and the populace in general, has resulted in a total disregard for rule of law. Such incidents, as common as they are, erode the confidence of the people to the point where they can’t trust any government institution. This tradition has also fostered an inherent culture of fear and mistrust among citizens.
This culture of paranoia has created the impression, among many, that the Asmara regime has the power to spy on every Eritrean in any corner of the world. The regime has successfully portrayed itself as omnipresent—which is fundamental to its survival.
Asmara, Eritrea's capital city. Photo by Yonatan Tewelde, used with permission.
These dynamics are compounded by a lack of credible information coming out of the country, which has also played a major role in cultivating mistrust and fear. Alongside the regime’s long tradition of severely punishing state and independent journalists—the last accredited international correspondent was expelled in 2007— there is no independent source to confirm the veracity of any information.
When seven of the country’s private newspapers were banned in 2001 amid a political crackdown, 12 journalists were taken into custody. This swift action was followed by the raid and ban of the educational Radio Bana in February 2009, and the jailing of about 50 journalists and staff members. These assaults on both state and independent media have crippled free flow and exchange of information. News sources today are limited to the state media’s monotonous propaganda organs, which make nationals wary of any information coming through the official line.
The Eritrean state media, which was mostly institutionalized under the longest-serving propaganda minister, Ali Abdu (who later fled the country), is characterized by a lack of accountability and a habit of character assassination. The Ministry has absolute power to put down anyone they perceive as having even slight differences of opinion, or for really any reason at all.
Many Eritrean citizens became victims of character assassination in the national media under Abdu and his “hit team.” Public figures such as artists, political leaders and athletes were typical prime targets. Naturally, these attacks were published under pen names, although it was not difficult to know who was the mastermind behind the curtain.
Anonymity abounds. But what about accountability?
This tradition of character assassination and using pen names to attack anyone who expresses a contrary or different opinion has been adopted by Eritrean social and mass media in the diaspora, both pro- and anti-regime. Fake accounts and pen names are common, making it nearly impossible to tell who is who. Not surprisingly, pro-regime attacks have the effect of silencing many critics who fear the consequences of speaking against their country’s government.
On one side, there are there regime loyalists who vigilantly troll on social media with fake Facebook accounts and Twitter handles. Characteristically, these regime cheerleaders will use Eritrean flag or an emblem of that sort as their profile images, and will use account names such as “Eritrea Never Kneel Down,” “Hands Off Eritrea,” or “Eritrea Not for Resale.”
Dissident voices are mercilessly countered by anonymous users. This normally involves intimidation and in some cases extends even to death threats.
The opposition camp is not immune from such practices either. Many regime opponents employ similarly abusive language and fabricate information to destroy people on the other side.
The tradition of anonymity and character assassination is manifested in independent websites as well. It’s common among Eritrean independent media to use pen names to destroy someone in the opposite camp. Or else—in the name of freedom of expression—individuals will combine abusive language with an absence of facts and often get away with it.
In this extremely polarized political environment, most topics are reduced to simplistic, back-and-forth arguments between “opposition” and “pro-regime.” And predictably, many websites on both sides continue to publish anonymous articles to avoid accountability. These practices erode credibility and cultivate a tradition where it is nearly becoming impossible to discern reality from made-up facts. In the end, these interdependent practices only serve to damage collective intellects, leaving institutions in tatters and prolonging the life of the dictatorship.
Abraham T. Zere is the executive director of PEN Eritrea in exile.
Source=https://globalvoices.org/2016/08/04/anonymous-eritrea-communicating-in-a-paranoid-state/
ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኤርትራውያን ተማሃሮ 11 ክፍሊ ናብ ሳዋ ከም ዝወረዱ ኣብ ማዕከናት ዜና ክቃላሕ ቀንዩ ኣሎ። እዚ ድማ ብጉልባብ ትምህርቲ ኩሎም ትምህርቶም ዝውድኡ ተመሃሮ ናብ ግዱድ ዕስክርና ዝኽተቡሉን ኣብ ግዱድ ስራሕን ዘመናዊ ግልያነትን ዝኣትውሉ መስርሕ እዩ። እዞም ዓቕሚ ኣዳምን ሄዋንን ዘይበጽሑ ዕሸላት መንእሰያት፡ ካብ ማሙቕ ገዝኦምን ካብ ሓለዋ ስድራቤቶምን ወለዶምን ተመንዚዖም ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽንኩር ኩነታት ወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊም ክወስዱን፡ እሞ ከኣ ንብዙሓት ሕልናን ርህራሄን ዝጎደሎም ዓለምቲ ክቃልዑ ይግደዱ ኣለዉ። ብዙሓት ካብኣቶም ድማ ግዳያት ናይ ዝተፈላለየ ስነኣእምሮዊ፡ ኣካላዊን፡ ጾታዊ በሰላታትን ከምዝኾኑ ዝምስክርዎ ሓቂ እዩ። ሓንቲ ካብዞም ዕሸላት ጓል 17 ዓመት ኣባል 27 ዙርያ "ገንሸል ሳዋ" ብዝብል ኣርእስቲ ኣብ ፈይስቡክ ዘውጽኣቶ ምስክርነት፡ ኣብ ሳዋ ብሓደ ኮሎነል ዘጋጠማ ምግሳስን፡ ጥንስን፡ ምንጻል ጥንስን ንኹሉ ሕልና ዘለዎ ኤርትራዊ ልቢ ዝሰብር እዩ።
እቲ ሓቂ ተማሃሮ 11 ክፍሊ ናብ ሳዋ ክኸዱ ከለዉ ግዱድ ዕስክርና እዩ። በቲ ልክዕ ስሙ ክንጽውዖ ድማ ይግባእ። እወ ግዱድ ዕስክርና!!! የግዳስ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ነቲ ዘይንቡር ከም ንቡር፡ ነቲ መሪር ከም መዓርለሚድናዮ: ከም ቅቡል ጌርና ወሲድናዮ ስለዝኾና ክንቃወሞን ዓገብ ክንብሎን ከምዘሎና'ውን ሓሲብናሉ ኣይንፈልጥን። እዚ ድማ ኣእምሮና ክሳብ ክንደይ ደንዚዙ ከምዘሎ ዘሰክፍ መርኣያ እዩ።
እንታይ እዩ እቲ ጥቕሙ? እዚ ኣብ ስልጣን ተዀይጡ ዘሎ ስርዓት፡ ስልጣኑ ንኸናውሕ፡ ንዝኾነ ዓይነት ናይ ተማሃሮ ኣብያን ምልዕዓልን ከየጋጥም ከመይ ጌሩ ነዞም ተማሃሮ ክቆጻጸሮምን፡ ምእዙዛት ክገብሮምን ዝመሃዞ ተንኰል ድኣ'ምበር ብዛዕባ እዞም ዕሸላት መንእሰያት ሓልዩ ኣይኮነን።
እዞም መዓንጣ ዘይቆጸሩ ንኣሽቱ ኣሕዋትናን፡ ኣሓትናን፡ ደቅናን፡ እሞ ከኣ ኣብቲ ምሕብሓብን ምእላይን ዘድልዮ ኣዝዩ ተነቃፊ ዕድመኦም ብዝኾነ ምኽንያት ካብ ስድርኦም ክፍለዩ ብፍጹም ኣይግባእን። ንሕና ዓገብ ብዘይምባልና እዮም ድማ ናብዚ ዝቃልዑ ዘለዉ። ስለዚ ድማ ካብዚ ኩነታት ክሃድሙ ኣደዳ ስደትን መከራን ሞትን ይኾኑ ኣለዉ።
ስለዚ ሎሚ ድምጽና ብዓውታ እነስምዓሉ ሰዓት ኣኺሉ እዩ። ይኣክል ሱቕታ! ይኣክል እንታይ ገደሰኒ! እዚ ግዱድ ዕስክርና ግዱድ ስራሕን ዘመናዊ ግልያነትን ደው ክብል ኩላትና ዓቕምና ዘፍቅዶ ክንገብር ውዓል ሕደር ዘይበሃሎ ሞራላዊ ግዴታና እዩ። እምቢ ንግዱድ ዕስክርና! እምቢ ንግዱድ ስራሕ! እምቢ ንዘመናዊ ግልያነት! ኣነ እንተዘይተዛሪበ መን? ሎሚ እንተዘይተዛሪበ መዓስ?
ኤርትራዊ ምንቅስቓስ ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን (ኤምዲሰመ)
3 ነሓሰ 2016
ፕሪቶርያ፡ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ
Pope Francis \ Activities
(Vatican Radio) Pope Francis met with a group of 65 child refugees from Syria and Eritrea on Wednesday during his General Audience.
The children are staying in the small town of Castelnuovo di Porto, located 25 kilometres north of Rome.
The children were wearing shirts saying “Grazie Papa Francesco” [Thank you, Pope Francis], and gave the Holy Father a large teddy bear. They also held up a sign saying “Our house is where peace resides.”
Pope Francis washed the feet of refugees from the Centre for Asylum Seekers at Castelnuovo di Porto on Holy Thursday in March.
Source=http://en.radiovaticana.va/news/2016/08/03/pope_francis_meets_with_refugee_children/1249034
Tension high between Ethiopia and Eritrea despite harmony in region
Written by James Jeffrey in Addis AbabaAddis Ababa Letter: concern their fraught history may once again lead to full-scale war
Tensions between EthiopiaandEritrea snapped in June in their most dramatic way for the last 15 years.
Fighting that erupted at their border involved tanks and heavy shelling and left hundreds dead. While military ordinance has stopped falling for now, any truce – if that word is applicable, such is the ill will on both sides – hangs by a thread, as does the welfare of both countries and the fragile peace and development spreading in the Horn ofAfrica.
Initially, speculation circulated among critics of both countries’ governments that the clash was a fabrication to distract from recent critical reports published by theUnited Nationsand advocacy groupHuman Rights Watch. Such scepticism, however, became harder to sustain as reports mounted about the gravity of the clash near the border town of Tserona.
Eritrea calls Ethiopia the aggressor engaging in “reckless military adventures” and puts the number of Ethiopian dead at 200 and wounded at 300. While rejecting that toll, Ethiopia’s government acknowledges that “a major engagement” took place; observers suggest it took action over Eritrean support of subversive elements inside Ethiopia.
This flash of instability actually occurred amid increasing harmony across the region thanks to increasing trade and economic integration between the likes of Ethiopia,Djiboutiand Somaliland.
Stalemate
However, any sort of harmonising effect has long been absent at the Ethiopia-Eritrea border, which is frozen in a cold war-type stalemate following a fraught history between the two and in spite of shared bonds such as language, culture and family ties.
After Eritrea was subsumed into Ethiopia in 1962, it fought a 30-year liberation war against the powers inAddis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital. This culminated in the fall of Ethiopia’s military dictatorship in 1991 after Eritrean fighters teamed up with Ethiopian rebels.
A referendum followed in 1993 in which the Eritrean people voted in favour of independence. Ethiopia’s new government – created by those same rebels – supported the referendum and its decision, while Eritreans had great hope for their country’s future.
But relations between the two then went downhill and by 1998 fighting broke out over the border around the village of Badme, an inconsequential piece of land; pride, however, has never been in short supply in either country.
The following two-year war brought about a disastrous loss of life – 70,000-100,000 people are estimated to have died in scenes of modern trench warfare – and of financial resources for both sides.
A ceasefire was followed in 2002 by an internationally brokered border resolution to safeguard the peace. Overall it suited both sides, apart from one key detail: Badme was to return to Eritrea.
With forces already ensconced in Badme, the Ethiopian government was loath to withdraw from territory gained through thousands of Ethiopian lives lost. So it proposed that implementation of the resolution required further talks – which didn’t happen – while its troops remained on what everyone acknowledged as Eritrean land.
That’s the way it has stayed ever since, though it has not helped that the international community has looked the other way. Now the worry is of the increasing possibility of full-scale war breaking out with a fight to the finish.
On paper, Ethiopia, with its larger, well-trained and better equipped military, backed by years of economic growth and development while Eritrea stagnated, would come out on top.
But there’s no telling how a final contest, or its aftermath, would play out. And if a decisive blow was delivered against Eritrea’s regime, what then? There are enough examples of how the travails of winning war prove nothing to sorting what follows.
‘Economic locomotive’
The last thing Ethiopia needs as it tries to cement its recent economic and developmental gains is another failed state next door, while the likes of Djibouti and Somaliland do not want a country that many call the “economic locomotive of the region” impeded in its progress – or worse, derailed.
Other reasons exist to dissuade either side from instigating a final round of destruction: Ethiopia is trying to become a more respected and engaged international player, while Eritrea shows increasing signs of tiring of its economic isolation and of contemplating increased international co-operation.
However, when a conflict’s fault lines are defined along common heritage, among neighbours and even relatives, the sense of betrayal and anger felt is personal and runs deep – proving much more difficult to resolve than antagonism between strangers.
All the while there remains that apparently unmovable hurdle throughout the decades, pride, which is nurtured by mutual loathing between the respective governments.
So now would be an excellent time for international diplomacy to finally help sort out a real and lasting compromise settlement – but with diplomacy of an assertive nature, rather than the half-hearted approach of before. Neither Ethiopians nor Eritreans are pushovers.
Latvia grants asylum to 17 Iraqis, Syrians, Eritreans relocated from southern Europe
Written by The Baltic Times- 2016-08-02
- BNS/LETA/TBT Staff/Riga
The Latvian Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs has decided to grant refugee status and alternative protection to 17 people from Iraq, Syria, and Eritrea who have been moved to Latvia from southern European countries, the migration authority relayed to LETA.
Refugee status has been granted to five individuals from Iraq, while alternative protection has been provided to 12 individuals from Syria and Eritrea. The Iraqi and Syrian families were moved from Greece and the Eritreans came from Italy.
The families are currently living at an asylum centre in Mucenieki and searching for permanent homes.
Although refugee status in granted indefinitely, alternative protection is provided for a period of one year. If after one year the circumstances in the nation of origin remains unchanged so that the individual in question no longer needs protection, he or she is issued a new one-year residence permit.
Two families from Syria and two from Iraq were brought to Latvia from Greece under an EU-wide programme, while two Eritreans were relocated from Italy.
Alternative status can be provided to an individual if there is a reason to believe that this person is in danger of being exposed to death penalty or corporal punishment, torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, or degrading punishment in his or her country of nationality or previous country of residence (if a person is stateless); this individual needs protection due to international or domestic armed conflicts and cannot return to his or her country of nationality or previous country of residence (if a person is stateless).
Refugee status can be awarded if an individual has reasonable fear of persecution in his or her country of nationality or previous country of residence (if a person is stateless) due to his or her race, religion, nationality, membership in a social group, or political beliefs.
At present, Latvia has accepted 53 individuals under the EU-wide refugee relocation programme. Latvia has agreed to admit 531 refugees within two years. While the majority of them will be relocated from EU member states Greece and Italy, 50 people have to be moved from third countries, most likely Turkey.
ሓደ ዝዕመም ስራሕ ረብሓኡ ናይ ሓባር እንተኾይኑ፡ ከምቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ዕዉት ንክኸውን ናይ ኩሎም እቶም ተጠቀምቲ ኢደይ ኢድካ ከም ዘድልዮ ውሁብ ሓቂ እዩ። እቶም ተጠቀምቲ ኣብቲ ቃልሲ እውን ሰብ ግደ ዝኾኑ ኣካላት ብዝተፈላለዩ መምዘንታት፡ ክዕቀን እንከሎ ዓቕምታቶም ዝተፈላለየ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ኣብቲ ናይ ሓባር ናይ ቃልሲ መኣዲ ዝሳተፍሉ ኣገባባት እውን ከምኡ ዝተፈላለየ ክኸውን ግድን እዩ። ገሊኡ ብጉልበት ገሊኡ ብሓሳብ። ገሊኡ ብውሽጢ ገሊኡ ብግዳም። ገሊኡ ብገንዘብ ገሊኡ ድማ ብህይወት። ናይዚ ኩሉ ውሁድ ጻዕርን ኣበርክቶን ድምር ከኣ ነቲ ናይ ሓባር ሸቶ የዕውት። ከም ኤርትራውያን እቲ ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዘርኣናዮ ኩሎም ናጽነትን ምኽባር መሰልን ዝብህጉ ኤርትራውያን ከከም ክእለቶም፡ ዓቕሞምን ዝንባለኦምን፡ ብዓድን ብበረኻን ዘበርከትዎን ዘመዝገብዎ ዓወትን ካባና ሓሊፉ ንካልኦት ወገናት እውን ኣብነት ዝኸውን ንኡድ ተመኩሮ እዩ።
ሎሚሎሚ ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ንምርግጋጽ ደሞክራስን ምኽባር ኩሉ መሰላትን እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገልጸ ውህደትና ንናይ ሓባር ረብሓ እንዳረቐቐ፡ እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ሓደ ንሱ ክገብሮ ዝግበኦ ከይገበረ ክነቕፎን ከቆናጽቦን ንዕዘብ ኣለና። እቲ መንእሰይ ነቲ ብዕድመ ዘደፈአን ብተመኩሮ ዝገረረን ገዲም ነቲ ሃብታም ኣውንታኡ ገዲፉ፡ ነቲ ንኡስ ድኽመቱ መዝሚዙ ክነቕፎን ከቆናጽቦን ትዕዘብ። እሞ ድማ ንሱ እቲ ነቓፋይ ካብኡ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ ኣበርክቶ ከየርኣየ። እቲ ገዲም ነቲ መንእሰይ ድማ ከምኡ ብግልባጡ። ኣብ መንጎ በርገሳዊ ማሕበራትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ዝተወደቡን ብውልቆም ነበርክት ኣለና ዝብሉን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ነንሕድሕድ ውድባትን ማሕበራት እውን እዚ ናትካ ኣቐሚጥካ ብዛዕባ እቲ ካልእ ኣካል ምውርዛይ ይርአ እዩ። እዚ ኣተሓሕዛ ጉዳያት ኣንጻር ሓድነት ናይቶም ናይ ሓባር ረብሓ ዘለዎ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ከም ብዓል ህግደፍ ዝኣመሰሉ ሓድነት ናይቶም ኣንጻሮም ዝተሰለፉ ርእሶም ዘሕምሞምን ዘባህርሮምን፡ ነዚ ዘይቅዱስ ምርሕሓቓት የታትይዎ እዮም።
እንተደኣ እቲ መኣዲ ቃልሲ ኮነ ውጽኢቱ ናይ ሓባርካ ኮይኑ እቲ ቅኑዕ ኣገላልጻ መንነትካ “ንሕና” እዩ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ነቲ ብባህሪኡ ዝተቐራረበ ንከተረሓሕቕ “ንሕናን ንሳቶምን” ዝብል ሓረግ ምዝውታር፡ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤናቱ ብዙሕ ኮይኑ ቀንዲ ድማ ሓድነት ናይቶም ናይ ሓድነት ተጠቀምቲ ዘዳኽም እዩ። እቶም ካብቲ ቃልሲ ለውጥን ዓወትን ክሕፈስ እሞ ህዝብና ክርህዎ እንደሊ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ብሓሳብን ግብርን ነንውልቅና፡ ነንውድብና፡ ነንማሕበርና ቀንዲ ኣካል ናይቲ ለውጢ ከምጽእ ዝግበኦ ሓይሊ ገይርና ክንወስድ ይግበኣና። ሽዑ ኢና ከኣ ቅድሚ እገለ እንታይ ገይሩ ምባል፡ ኣነኸ እንታይ ገይረ ኢልና ንነብስና ክንሓታ ዝግበኣና። ሕቶ ካብ ሓተትና ከኣ መልሲ ክንረኽበሉ ንቕሰብ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል እዮም ከኣ ፈለጣት ናይዚ ዛዕባዚ፡ “ለውጢ እትኽእሎ ብምብርካት እምበር ኣበርክቶ ካለኦት ብምንእኣስ ዝመጽእ ኣይኮነን” ዝብሉ።
ከምዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሰንኪ መላኺ ባህርያት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ገጢሙና ዘሎ ጸበባ ክገጥም እንከሎ፡ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ነገዛእ ርእስና ኣብ ናይ ለውጢ ተጸባይነት ቦታ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣካል ናይቲ ንለውጢ ዝጽዕት ወገን ጌርና ከነሰልፋ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ለውጢ ትብህግን ትጽበን ክንስኻ ኣካል ናይቲ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይሊ ዘይምዃን ብሓጺሩ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን። ከምቲ “ ንሰብ መስትያቱ ሰብዩ” ዝበሃል ንሓደ ውልቀሰብ፡ ውድብ ወይ ማሕበር ኣብ መስርሕ ንሱ ክርእዮ ዘይከኣለ ጌጋኡ ክተርእዮ፡ ምዝኽኻሩ ምናልባት እውን ምንቃፉ ኣይግባእን ማለት ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ እቲ ኣነቓቕላ ናብዚ ተግባርዚ፡ ንንእሽቶ ኣሉታ ኣጉሊሕካ ብምስኣል ንምቁንጻብ ዘይኮነስ፡ ነቲ ጌጋ ከይዓበየ ፈዊስካ ንምህናጽን ምሕጋዝ ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እሞ ድማ ንስኻውን እቲ ካለኦት ክገብርዎ እትደልዮ እንዳፈጸምካን ዝነቅፍ መልሓስን ብርዕን ብምስሓል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ሃናጺ ነቐፈታ ዝሰምዕ እዝንን ልብን ብምኽፋት ክኸውን ይግበኦ።
ከምቲ “ተመሊስካ ንእትረድኦ ሓዲግካዮ ኣይትእቶ” ዝበሃል፡ ኣጻብዕትና ኣንጻር ሓደ ክንቅስር እንከለና፡ ሳዕቤኑ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ እነወጣውጠሉ ኣካል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ናባና እውን ምዃኑ ክንኣምን የድሊ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ መስርዕ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብ ዘለዉ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ኣብ ሓደ ዝረአ ኣውንታዊ ኮነ ኣሉታዊ ምዕባለ ነቶም ካለኦት እውን ከም ዝጸልዎም ምርዳእ። ነቲ ብቐጥታ ዝህሰ ዘሎ ጥራይ ኢልካ ዘይኮነስ፡ እንተላይ ምእንታኻ ኢልካ እውን ከተስተብህለሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ካብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ዘይሓጋዚ ኣካይዳ ምኻድ ከድሕኑና ካብ ዝኽእሉ መርጫታት ሓደ ከኣ “ቅድሚ ንካለኦት ምውቃስ ግደኻ ምብርካት” ዝብል ተረድኦ ምሓዝ እዩ።
መጽሒት ሓርነት ሕታም ቁ. 50 / Harnnet Tigrinia Magazine Issue # 50
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ከም ዝፍለጥ ኣብ 2014 ኣቐዲሙ ዝወጸ መጠንቀቕታ ምንባሩ ዝዝከር’ዩ።እዚ ተዳጋጋሚ ዝወጽእ ዘሎ መጠንቀቕታ ተግባራዊ ንክኸውን በይ-ኤርያ ኤርትራውያን ንደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ: ነዚ ጉዳይ ብዕቱብ ሒዙ ምስ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ሰብ መዚ ኢምግረሽንን ሆምላንድ ሰኩሪቲን (department immigration and homeland security) ብምትሕብባር: ነቶም መሰል ዑቕባ ሓቲቶም ክነሶም 2% ዚኸፍሉን ናብ ዓዲ ዝመላለሱን ንምልላይን ስጉምቲ ንምውሳድን ዕዉት ስራሕ የሳላሰል ኣሎ።
ነቲ ናይ 2014 መጥንቀቕታ ሸለል ብምባል ንዝሃብኩሞ ማሕላ ኪሕድኩም፡ ተመሊስኩም ምስቲ ኣደዳ መከራን ስደትን ዝገበረኩም ስርዓት ክትዳናገጹን ክትተሓጋገዙን ሕጊ እዚ ትነብርሉ ሃገርን ሕጊ ስደተኛታት ዓለም ዝጥሕስ ገበን ትፍጽሙ ምህላውኩም ክትግዘቡ ይግባእ። ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ ብሕጊ’ቲ ትነብርሉ ሃገር ናይ መንበሪ ፍቃድ ወረቀትኩም ናይ ምሕዳግን ክሳብ ናይ ምጥራዝ ናብ ኤርትራ ከም ዘሎ ትዝንግዕዎ የብልኩምን። ድሮ ውን ሃገራት ኤሮጳ (European countries) ከም በዓል ስዊዘርላንድን ሆላንድን ነዚ መስርሕ ጀሚረንኦ ከም ዘለዋን ብዙሓት ሓተቲ ዑቕባ ኤርትራውያን: ደገፍትን ተደናገጽትን ስርዓት ህግደፍ ድማ ግዳይ ኮይኖም ኣለዉ።
ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ከይትበጽሑን፣ ምእንቲ ፍትሕን ሓቅን ደው ክትብሉን ኣብ ዝሓለፈ መጠንቀቕታ ተገሊጹ ኔሩ’ዩ። እቶም ንዝተዋህበኩም ምኽርን ማዕዳን ነጺግኩም ደድሕርቲ ዓማጺ ስርዓት ተዳኽሩ ዘለኹም ዕድመ፡ ጾታ ብዘየገድስ ከነጋልጸኩም ምኻና ደጊምና ነተሓሳስብ። ኣብዚ ሃገር ዑቕባ ዝተዋህበኩም ምኽንያት ብስርዓት ህግደፍ ግፍዒ፣ ስቓይ፣ መከራን ሽግር ስለ ዝበጻሓኩምን ከምሰብ ድማ ምንባር ስለ ዝተኸልከልኩምን ኢኹም:: ነዚ ሓቀኛ እኩይ ባህሪ ናይቲ ስርዓት ገሊጽኩም ናይ ዕቁባ መሰልኩም ረኺብኩም ከትብቅዑ ግን: ነቲ ንማሕላኹም ኣሚኑ ከም ሰብ ዘዕቆበኩም ህዝብን ሃገርን ሕጉ ኣክቢርኩም ክትነብሩ ትጽውዑ ኣለኹም::
ብፍላይ መንእሰያት: እዚ ኩሉ ሓሶትን ጥልመትን ብዋጋ እቶም ከማኻትኩም ምንባር ምስ-ሰኣኑ ሃጽ ኢሎም ነዚ ንስኻትኩም ረኺብኩሞ ዘለኩም ዕድል ንምርካብ ግን ድማ ከይበጽሕዎ ዕደመ ንእስነቶምን ክብርቲ ሂወቶምን ንቡር ቀብሪ’ኻ ከይረኸቡ ብዓሳታት ባሕርን ኣሞራታት ሳህራን ዝተበልዑ መዛንኩም ፣ብዋጋቶም እንተስ ትሕዝቶ ሓጺርዎም ወይ ዕድል ተዓጺዎም መዋእሎም ሓለውቲ ድፍዕን፣ ግዳያት ማእሰርትን ሞትን ናይቲ ስርዓት ዝኾኑ ዘለዉ መንእሰያት የሕዋትኩም፡ ኣያታትኩምን ኣቦታትኩምን ምኻኑ’ዩ። እቶም ኣቦታትን ኣዴታትን ትብሃሉ’ውን ከማኻትኩም ወሊዶም እንከለዉ ብሰንኪ’ቲ ተሳስይዎ ዘለኹም ዓማጺ ሰርዓት ውሉዳቶም ስኢኖም ከይኣክል ነቲ ብማዕዶ ዝሰምዕዎ መርድእ ደቆም እኻ ንቡር ሓዘን ከይ ገብሩሎም ተኸልኪሎም ኣለዉ። እዚ ኩሉ ሓሳረ መከራ ወለዲ፡ ስቓይን ሞትን ውሉድ እንዳ ረኣኹም ሕልናኹም ሸጥኩም ምስዚ ውልከ-ምልኪ ስርዓት ተሳስዩ ብምህላውኩም ብታሪኽ ትሓተቲ ምኻንኩም ኣይትዘንግዑ። ብቐንዱ እቶም ካብ መንግስቲ ሓገዝ እንዳ ወሰድኩም፡ ነዚ ግብረ-ሽበራ ዚሙውል ስርዓት ህግደፍ 2% ትኸፍሉ፡ ሆም-ላንድ ሰኩሪቲ ምስ ኢምግረሽን ብምትሕብባር፡ ሓበሬታ ኣብ ምእካብ ከምዝርከብን በዚ ድማ ብዙሓት ግዳይ ናይ ወረቐት ምሕዳግን ምጥራዝን ክትኮኑ ምኻንኩም ክትርድእዎ ይግባእ።
ብፍላይ እቶም ንፌስቲቫላትን፡ ባዓላትን፡ከምኡ’ውን ፕሮፕሮጋንዳዊ ስለያዊ ሰርሓትን ተዋፊርኩም ነቲ ኣብ ዕርበተ ሞቱ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ስርዓት ባላ ኮንኩም ትድግፍዎ ዘለኹም ዋጋ ጥልመት ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ትፍደይሉ ሰዓት ኣኺሉ ኣሎ። ናይዚ ኣብነት ድማ ኣቅድም ኣቢሉ ኣብ ስዊዘርላንድ፡ ሕጂ ድማ ኣብ ሆላንድ እቶም ዑቕባ ተዋሂብዎም ክነሶም ምስ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዘውደኽድኹን ዓዲ ዝመላለሱን ኤረትራውያን ተለልዮም ናይ ዑቕባ ወረቐቶም ተሓዲጎም ናብ ኤርትራ ዝጥረዝሉ መዓልቲ ይቖጽሩ ኣለዉ። ኣብ ካሊፎርንያ ውን በይ-ኤርያ ኤርትራውያን ንደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ: ዝርዝር ኣስማት ናይ 28 ኤርትራ በጺሖም ዝተመልሱ ሓተቲ ዑቕባ (ካብ ሳንሆዘን ከባቢኣን 8: ኦክላንድን ከባቢኣን 11: ሳንታሮዛ 6: ሳንፍራንሲስኮ ድማ 3) ናብ ሆም-ላንድ ሰኩሪቲ አረኪቡ ከምዘሎ ነፍልጥ። ድሮ ውን ኣስማቶም ኣብ ዳታበይዝ ተታሒዙ ናይ ምጽራይ ስራሕ ጀሚሮም ኣብ ምክትታሎም ይርከቡ። ከምዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ውልቀ ሰባት ንፈልጥ እንተ ኮይና ድማ ምእንቲ ከነቃልዖም ምሉእ ሓብሬታ ብምስዳድ ክትተሓባበሩና ብትሕትና ንሓትት።
ስለዚ እዞም ሓተቲ ዑቕባ ዝኾንኩም ኤርትራውያን ካብ ፈስቲባላት ህግደፍ ምስታፍን 2% ካብ ምኽፋልን ክትቁጠቡን: ምስቲ ስርዓት ዘለኩም ርክብ ብምብታኽ ምስ ህዝብኹም ክትውግኑ ትጽውዑ ኣለኹም። እንተ ዘይኮይኑ ግን ከም ቀደም ይመስለኪን ውሕጅ ይወስደክን ስለዝኮነ፡ ካብ ደሓር ዋይዋይ ሕጂ ኢደካን እግርኻን ምእካብ ትሕሸኩም።
ሞት ንዓመጽቲ: ሰላምን ፍትሕን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ!!
በይ-ኤርያ ኤርትራውያን ንደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
ዝምድና ብዙሕ መልክዕን መንቀልን ኣለዎ። ንኣብነት ናይ ስጋ ዝምድና ኣሎ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ረብሓ ዝተመስረተ ናይ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ዝምድና እውን ኣሎ። ንሕና ኣብዚ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ዝምድና ግና ናይ ዕላማን መትከልን ዝምድና እዩ ክኸውን። ሓደ ጉዳይ ንምፍጻም ክትበገስ እንከለኻ እሞ ውጽኢቱ ናይ ሓባር ክኸውን እንከሎ ዝምድና ፈጢርካ ዓቕሚ ብምድላብ ምንቅስቓስ ተመራጺ እዩ። ኣብዚ ምስ መን ትዛመድ ኣብ ምምራጽን ምውሳንን ጥንቁቕ ምዃን ውጽኢት እቲ ዝምድና ኣድማዒ ንክኸውን ወሳኒ እዩ።
መዛምድቲ ክትመርጽ እንከለኻ ኣብ ግምት ከተእትዎ ካብ ዝግበኣካ ረቛሒታት፡ እቲ መዛምድትኻ ካብቲ ዝፍጠር ዝምድና ተጠቃሚ ምዃኑን ዘይምዃኑን ምርግጋጽ እዩ። ብዘይካዚ ነዚ ረብሓኡ ከረጋግጽ ክዛመደካ ቅሩብ ምዃኑን ዘይምዃኑን ምድህሳስ’ውን ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ቅድመ-ኩነት እዩ። እንዳ ጸዋዕካዮ ጸማም እዚ ምስ ዝህበካ ምዝማድ ስለ ዘይከኣል። እዚ ዘርእየና ድማ ዝምድና ዝድልድልን ቀጻልነት ዝህልዎን እቶም ዝምስርትዎ ተዛምደቲ ካብቲ ዝምድና ማዕረ ተጠቀምቲ ምዃኖም እንተ ኣሚኖም ጥራይ ምዃኑ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ዝምድና ካብቶም ተዛመድቲ ነቲ ሓደ ኣካል ጥራይ ዝጠቅምን ዝብህጎን ጌርካ ክምስረት ኣይክእልን እዩ። እንተተፈተነ’ውን ፋይዳን ቀጻልነትን ክህልዎ ኣይክእልን።
ዝምድና ነናትካ ረብሓ ጥራይ ከተዕውት ብምውጣን ዝረጋገጽ ኣይኮነን። ብኣንጻሩ ዝምድና ናትካ ረብሓ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ናይ መዛምድትኻ ተጠቃምነት’ውን ኣብ ግምት እንዳእተኻ ዝረጋገጽ እዩ። ምናልባት ግና ዝምድና ከም ዝኾነ ተረኽቦ ብመስርሕ ክብ ለጠቕ ስለ ዝጐዓዝ እቲ ካብቲ ዝምድና ዝርከብ ረብሓ ብዝተወሰነ ደረጅኡ ንዝተወሰነ መድረኽ ናብቲ ሓደ ወገን ካብቶም ተዛመድቲ ናይ ምዝዛው ባህሪ ክህልዎ ይኽእል። እቲ ምዝዛው ኩሉ ግዜ ናብቲ ሓደ ኣቕጣጫ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ክቀያየር ይኽእል።
ዝምድና ኣድላይነቱ ስለ ዝተራእየ ሃንደፍ ኢልካ ዝእቶ ዘይኮነስ ኣጽኒዕካ እትሕዞ መስርሕ እዩ። እቲ ዝምድና ምእንቲ ክድልድልን ክቕጽልን ሕድገት እትገብረሎም ጉዳያትን ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝኾነ ይኹን ኩነታት ምእንቲ ዝምድና ኢልካ ዘይትዕጸፈሎም ንህልውናኻ ዝፈታተኑ ጉዳያት ኣለሊኻ ምእታው የድሊ። እዚ ደቂቕ ሕሳብን ጥንቃቐን ብኹሎም ተዛመድቲ ወገናት ዝረአ እዩ። ካብዚ ብምብጋስ ከምቲ ንስኻ ምእንቲ ዝምድና ኢልካ ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ከተውርዶም ዘይግበኣካ ኣዕኑድ ዝህልዉኻ ኣብቲ መዛምድትኻ እውን ከምኡ ከምዝህሉ ምግንዛብ ከኣ የድሊ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ካብ መዛምድትኻ እትጽበዮ ሕድገት’ውን ኣቐዲምካ ምግማት ይከኣል። ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ክትደፍኦ ተሃቂንካ፡ መዛምድትኻውን እውን ከምኡ ደፊኡ ናብቲ ናቱ ረብሓ ከእትወካ ተፈቲኑ፡ እቲ “ማዕረ ተጠቃምነት” ዝብል መትከል ዝምድና ስለ ዝህሰ እቲ ዝምድና እውን ኣብ ሓደጋ ክወድቕ ይኽእል። ምኽንያቱ ምዝማድ ማለት ኩለንተናኻ ሓደ ምዃን ማለት ዘይኮነስ ንፍልልያት ቦታኦም ኣትሒዝካ ኣብቶም ንክልቴኻ ዘርብሑ ምስራሕ ማለት ምዃኑ ግንዛበ ሰለ ዘድልዮ። እዚ ኣብ መንጎ ውድባት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ መንጎ መንግስታት’ውን ክረአ እንዕዘቦ እዩ።
ዝምድና ነዊሕ ዝጠመተን ኣብ መሰረታዊ ጉዳያት ዘትከለን እምበር ኣብ መሰረታዊ ዘይኮኑ ጉዳያት ኣትኪሉ ከም መፍትሒ ግዚያዊ ጸገም ጥራይ ክረኣይ ኣይግባእን። እዚ ማለት ግና ኣብቶም ተዛመድቲ ብግዳም ይኹን ብውሽጢ ብዝፍጠር ምዕባለ ዝምድና ኣይቅየርን ምናልባት እውን ኣይቋረጽን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ብመንጽር እዚ እዩ ከኣ “ቀዋሚ ጐርቤት እምበር ቀዋሚ ዓርኪ የለን” ዝበሃል። ኣብ ብዙሕ ኣጋጣሚታት ከም ዝረአ ዝምድና ውጽኢቱ ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜ ዝሕፈስ ዘይኮነስ ኣዕኲዅካ ኣብ ፍረ ንምብጽሑ ነዊሕ ግዜ ዝወስድ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ስለዚ ዝምድና ዝድልድል ብትዕግስቲ፡ ጹረትን ንመሰረታዊ መትከልካ ብዘይፍሑቕ ሕድገት ብምግባርን እምበር ብታህዋኽን ነዓይ ጥራይ ይጥዓመንን ኣይኮነን።
ዝምድና ኣብ መንጎ ነናቶም መትከላት ዘለዎም ክልተን ካብኡ ንላዕን ኣካላት ዝፍጠር ስለ ዝኾነ ምዕዋቱ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን። ምኽኝያቱ ክትዛመድ እንከለኻ፡ ብዛዕባ ናትካ መትከላትን ዕላማን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ብዛዕባ ናይ መዛምድትኻ’ውን ክትሓስብ እንትግደደሉ ስለ ዝኾነ። ዝምድና ክሰፍሕን ክጸብብን ይኽእል። እዚ ኣብ ስፍሓትን ጽበትን ናይቲ ምስ መዛምድትኻ ዘራኽበካ ነጥብታት ዝምርኮስ እዩ። ኣብ መንጎ ተዛመድቲ ዘሎ ኩለመዳያዊ ፍልልይ ሚዛን ሓይሊ’ውን ንዝምድና ይጸልዎ’ዩ።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ዘራኽብዎ ነጥብታት ከም ዘለዉዎ ይኣምን። ኣብዚ እምነትዚ ኣትኪሉ ክዛመድ እሞ ምስ መዛምድቱ ኮይኑ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይሊ ከተርንዕ ከኣ ይሰርሕ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ምስ ገለ ወገናት፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ መጻኢት ኤርትራ ብዘጽድቖ ቅዋም ኣቢሉ ናይ መወዳእታ ብይን ተዘይሂብሎም ሕጂ ኣብ መስርሕ ዝምድና ውድባት ዘይውድኡ ፍልልያት ከም ዘለዉዎ’ውን ይርዳእ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ሕጂ ዝገበሮ ዝምድና ኣብቶም ምስ መዛምድቱ ማዕረ ዝብጽሕዎ ዛዕባታት ምዃኑ ይግንዘብ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ምውዳቕ ወጻዒ ስርዓት ህግደፍን ናብ ቅዋማዊ መንግስቲ ዘብጽሕ ናይ ምስግጋር መድረኽ ምጥጣሕን።
Hundreds of Eritreans' asylum applications still 'incorrectly refused'
Written by theguardian.comMPs say it is unacceptable for Home Office to continue basing decisions on guidance acknowledged to be wrong

Thursday 28 July 2016 19.59 BST
Hundreds of asylum applications from Eritreans are being incorrectly refused by the government owing to its “unacceptable” policy on accepting refugees from the country, MPs have said.
The home affairs select committee has called on the Home Office to explain why it still has not updated its guidance on asylum seekers from Eritrea, even though it has acknowledged the guidance to be wrong.
The cross-party committee of MPs noted in a report published on Wednesday that 86% of appeals from Eritrean asylum seekers were decided in their favour in the first quarter of 2016.
“This suggests to us that the Home Office country guidance for Eritrea was wrong and applications for asylum from Eritrean nationals have been incorrectly refused,” said the report. “This is the third consecutive report in which we have commented on the approach of the Home Office to asylum-seeking Eritreans. It is unacceptable that the Home Office is still getting so many of its decisions regarding nationals of this country wrong.”
Until it controversially updated its country advice in March 2015, while Theresa May was home secretary, the Home Office advised that it was not safe to return most asylum seekers to Eritrea, which has been described as “the North Korea of Africa”. But the updated Home Office guidance claimed that citizens who left Eritrea without permission – many of them to escape its indefinite military service – would not face persecution if they returned.
The change of advice was based on a report, produced for the Danish government, that has since been discredited and from which the Danish government has distanced itself. One expert, who led an independent inquiry into the Home Office guidance, said in January that “an undergraduate would be failed” for producing such a document.
The home affairs committee said that where there were concerns over the accuracy of country guidance, as there were with Eritrea, the Home Office should “suspend decisions until such a time that those concerns have been investigated and, where necessary, revised guidance put in place”, or risk repatriating people to countries that were known to be unsafe or clogging up appeals courts unnecessarily.
In 2015, Eritreans accounted for the largest group of people applying for asylum in the UK, with 3,726 applications. The changed Home Office advice resulted in the number of Eritreans granted protection in the UK plummeting, from a 73% approval rate in the first quarter of 2015 to 34% in the second quarter.
However, the majority of these rejections are being overturned on appeal. In the first quarter of 2016, 86% of all appeals of Eritrean nationals were granted. This number is far higher than the appeal grant rate for other nationalities – the next highest successful appeal rate is for Iranians at 52%. The home affairs committee also suggested that the Home Office review its country advice on Iran, given that such a large number of decisions were being overturned on appeal.
The cost to the government of asylum appeals from Eritreans has risen by more than £5m since the change of country advice came into effect. An asylum claim costs an average of £1,300 to the government; this increases to £3,300 if the claim goes to appeal, according to the Ministry of Justice.
According to freedom of information data obtained by the Guardian, in the year before the country advice was changed (April 2014 to March 2015) there were 308 appeals of asylum decisions from Eritrean nationals, at a cost to the government of roughly £1m. In the year after the change of country advice (April 2015 to March 2016) there were 1,894 appeals by Eritreans, costing taxpayers £6.25m.
Zecahrias*, a 35-year-old Eritrean who came to the UK just after the Home Office guidance changed and had his initial asylum claim rejected, said he believed the Home Office was deliberately rejecting Eritreans to try to deter others from seeking asylum in Britain.
“They know what’s going on, they know the truth and we know what they are doing. Maybe the Home Office are saying, because we give them [asylum] easily, people are flowing to us, so if we reject them then people will not come,” he said.
Zecahrias was serving in the Eritrean military – as part of an indefinite mandatory military service scheme – when he left the country after learning that he was in danger of being arrested and possibly killed by the government. Zecahrias’s father was “disappeared” by the government in 2000 and the family have had no news of him in 15 years.
“I decided it’s better to do something and die than wait for them [to] kill me,” he said.
Zecahrias underwent a harrowing journey from Eritrea: he crossed the Sahara, was twice arrested in Libya and travelled in a boat for 15 hours on the Mediterranean. While he was in Libya he met his girlfriend, who is also a refugee. On arrival in the UK he thought he was safe.
“We believed the UK government is the best-organised, the one who was looking after human rights, who have the power to change everything and make it right,” he said.
When his asylum claim was rejected, Zecahrias’s girlfriend was pregnant and the news devastated him. He struggled to leave the house and lived in fear that the government would send him back to Eritrea, where he thought he would be arrested, if not killed.
“If the government of [the] UK was planning to take me back home on the plane, I was planning suicide,” he said. “It’s not what I was expecting when coming to England.”
He had his asylum claim granted on appeal, something he says is now expected by Eritrean asylum seekers. “I want to thank [the British government] for what they do,” said Zecahrias, who is now working in Leeds and supporting his girlfriend and son. “But they know the truth, they can solve this.”
“All country information and guidance is based on a careful and objective assessment of available evidence from a range of sources including the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, local, national and international organisations, and media outlets,” said a Home Office spokesperson.
“We continually review our country information and guidance to ensure it is up-to-date, accurate and relevant, so that staff can make fair and considered decisions.”
*Name has been changed
يقول الفلاسفة إن من أهمية الخلاف أو التضاد أن ( الكون قائم علي تناقض الأشياء )، بمعنى آخر أنه لا وجود للكون بدون التناقض، إذاً أن نعيش مختلفين أمر وجودي، والخلاف أيضاً من جذور التعدُّد، فالتعدد والتباين قد يعود الي اختلاف الجنس ( النوع )، أسلوب التفكير، المعتقد، المصلحة...الخ.
التعدد والتباين يزين المجتمع كما تتزين الأرض بمختلف أنواع الزهور والنباتات، ولا يكون الاختلاف زينة إلا إذا أدير بحكمة واتزان. والإدارة الحكيمة لذلك التعدد لا تكون إلا بإدارته بما يضمن مصالح مكونات التعدد. فأي ميل جانبي أو أسلوب غير سوي في إدارة التعدد والاختلاف يحيل التعدد من زينة الي دمار شامل، أما الابتعاد عن الخلاف والتوجس منه واعتباره أمر خلاف وتباعد بين الناس فهو هروب من الواقع لا يجدي فتيلاً.
لدينا نحن الارتريين تعدد ينحدر منه الخلاف، فنحن متعددون دينياً، سياسياً، جغرافياً، عرقياً، نضالياً ( اختلاف التجربة النضالية )، وهذه كلها قابلة لأن تكون مصدراً للخلاف، لكن لو أدرنا تلك الاختلافات علي قاعدة المساواة، الحرية، العدل والنماء فستكون بالفعل زينةً وجمالاً، ولو أدرناها بالعكس فستستدير بنا الي العكس. ولكن لن يتحقق لنا ذلك إلا إذا رأينا لمن يختلف عنا بأكثر من عنصر للتعدد والاختلاف ما نراه لأنفسنا. وكل أنانية وحب للذات سوف يجعل من تعددنا وما ينتج عنه من خلافات واختلافات مصدراً للانهيار والتفتت بدلاً من الغني والجمال والتميز. علماً أن الحروب والمشكلات الناشئة في العديد من دول العالم اليوم منبعها هو الفشل في إدارة التعدد والاختلاف. وما المواجهة القائمة والمتطاولة بيننا ونظام الهقدف والخلافات العسيرة في أوساطنا كمعسكر معارضة إلا دليل علي فشلنا في إدارة تنوعنا. البعض يضع الكثرة العددية لمكونات المعارضة علي رأس عيوبها ومشاكلها. صحيح أن الكثرة السياسية والتنظيمية بهذه العددية غير المبررة أمر صادم للنفس، لكن المشكلة تعود الي عدم قدرتنا علي وضع الخلاف والتعدد ضمن عوامل القوة والبناء وليس عوامل الهدم والخلاف. لذا علي من يتهيبون الخلاف والتعدد أن يقتربوا من ساحته ليضعوه علي قضبان الطريق الصحيح والبنـَّــاء بدلاً من الهروب منه والتنكر له، إن الكثرة والتعدد لا تمنع أحداً من الاتفاق علي هدف مشترك والعمل علي تحقيقه، وهذا أسلوب نضالي ناجح ومجرب، ولا ننسى أننا في هذا العصر بالذات نعيش زمان التعدد والاختلاف، كما أن المحيط القريب والبعيد يعج بتجارب النجاح في حسن إدارة الخلاف والتعدد وعدم تجاهله.
في حديثنا عن الخلاف والتعدد لا ننسى أمراً من الأهمية بمكان، ألا وهو أن لا تنافس بدون وجود التعدد والخلاف، ولا وجود للتنافس دون وجود الأفكار المتباينة المتنافسة. انعدام التنافس يعني أن لا وجود لخيارات سياسية أو فكرية تقدم للشعب كي يختار من بينها ما يعجبه، وبالتالي يفرض عليه خيار أوحد شاء أم أبى. احترام تعدد خيارات الشعب يعني احترام تعدديته في أي مجال من المجالات. وكما أوضحنا آنفاً فإن حسن إدارة الخلاف والتعدد يجعل منهما زينة في عنق البلاد، وأن إتاحة الفرص أمام عملية التنافس أيضاً يستلزم وجود خيارات متعددة تنظمها قوانين البلاد. علي أن يكون التنافس حراً يضمن للمتنافسين فرص تنافس متكافئة.
إن تحويل الخلاف الي زينة مهمتنا جميعاً نحن الناشطين سياسياً وتنظيمياً، حيث العمل السياسي غالباً ما يكون مسرحاً للخلاف والتباين. ليس تلك مهمتنا فحسب، بل هذا ما يتوقعه منا الشعب الذي يتوقع منا الكثير. وما لم نحقق ذلك يجب أن نعترف أن بنا عيب أساسي يفرض علينا محاربته واستئصاله، علي أن لا يكون ذلك انطلاقاً مما تراه أنت فقط هو المعالجة الصحيحة لذلك العيب ومن ثم إهمال وجهة نظر الشركاء في معالجة العيب. يجب علينا أن نفتح أعيننا جيداً علي جانب الحقيقة الذي عند الآخر وأن نجتهد سوياً في إيجاد حقيقة وسطى جامعة للكل. وذلك بالطبع لا يكون باجتثاث التعدد والخلاف والرمي بهما في سلة المهملات، بل يكون بالسعي الي توسيع مساحة الاتفاق وتقليص شقة الخلاف خلال مسيرة العمل المشترك. هذا ما مرت به تجارب شعوب عديدة، لذا لا يمكن أن تتوقف مسيرته علي أبوابنا وتعطب عجلاته عندنا وتتعطل آلياته عن العمل، وعليه يجب أن نعمل معاً قبل أن يتسرب الوقت من بين أصابعنا، فالأيام كما يقولون حـُــبـَــالـَـى بكل جديد، ولا ضمان لنا أن يكون جديدها دوماً حابلاً بخير.
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