Posted 4 August 2016 18:37 GMT

Eritrean diaspora on social media. Photo by Yonatan Tewelde, used with permission.Eritrean diaspora on social media. Photo by Yonatan Tewelde, used with permission.


Written by Abraham T. Zere

A few months ago an Eritrean acquaintance called me to discuss an article he wanted to write for PEN Eritrea’s website. He had worked as a journalist in Eritrea, where we’re both from, before fleeing the country nearly ten years ago.

He had recently spoken out (under a pen name) about his former colleagues who were languishing incommunicado in detention centers in Eritrea, a story that was then covered by various media including The Guardian, in partnership with our organization.

Before I could congratulate him on this, he began discussing safe ways to send the article. He said he wanted to write the article anonymously. He lives in the United States under a grant of political asylum.

I gave him both my email address and an official email address for article submission. “But email is not safe,” he replied. “Eritrean security can crack it.” He explained that he wanted to avoid imperiling family members back home.

I countered that it was unlikely that Eritrean security would bother to hack the email accounts of two relatively unimportant Eritreans living in the US. This is an unfounded fear that exaggerates the reach of Eritrean security, I said. I explained that PEN Eritrea is trying to fight such inherent fear and discourages authors from writing anonymously or under pen names unless the person is at great risk, say from inside the country. It is our policy to request that all contributors to take full responsibility for what they write. We also require contributors’ email addresses to be included for publication.

A culture of fear that goes beyond borders

My colleague is not alone. His is a pervasive fear that has been inculcated among many Eritreans. They have experienced one of the world’s most repressive dictatorships, a place where the populace is subject to mass surveillance. Once they flee the country, it can take years for expatriate Eritreans to fully comprehend what was happening to them. Many live under extreme paranoia, suspecting conspiracies around every corner.

I frequently encounter Eritreans living safely in the West, with political asylum, who feel they can’t even “like” social-media posts that are critical of the regime back home. Instead they prefer privately writing or calling the individual whose post they wanted to react to. They fear the regime is tapping everyone’s social media account.

And their fears aren’t entirely unfounded. It is public knowledge that the prime job of Eritrean consular offices and their surrogates throughout the diaspora has been reduced to watching who’s associating with whom, in order to report when somebody with “incorrect” associations returns to Eritrea. This practice has imperiled many Eritreans when they went home to visit family members. As Tricia Redeker Hepner discusses in her book “Soldiers, Martyrs, Traitors, and Exiles: Political Conflict in Eritrea and the Diaspora” (2009) the trend also extends to audio recording by their compatriots via hidden devices to report to the state security back home.

This innate fear has been cultivated by the ruling elites’ longstanding tradition of ignoring the rule of law and behaving irrationally and unpredictably. At any point, a torturer might turn into the victim. The steady flow of arbitrary arrests and intimidation of journalists, in particular, and the populace in general, has resulted in a total disregard for rule of law. Such incidents, as common as they are, erode the confidence of the people to the point where they can’t trust any government institution. This tradition has also fostered an inherent culture of fear and mistrust among citizens.

This culture of paranoia has created the impression, among many, that the Asmara regime has the power to spy on every Eritrean in any corner of the world. The regime has successfully portrayed itself as omnipresent—which is fundamental to its survival.

Asmara, Eritrea's capital city. Photo by Yonatan Tewelde, used with permission.Asmara, Eritrea's capital city. Photo by Yonatan Tewelde, used with permission.

These dynamics are compounded by a lack of credible information coming out of the country, which has also played a major role in cultivating mistrust and fear. Alongside the regime’s long tradition of severely punishing state and independent journalists—the last accredited international correspondent was expelled in 2007— there is no independent source to confirm the veracity of any information.

When seven of the country’s private newspapers were banned in 2001 amid a political crackdown, 12 journalists were taken into custody. This swift action was followed by the raid and ban of the educational Radio Bana in February 2009, and the jailing of about 50 journalists and staff members. These assaults on both state and independent media have crippled free flow and exchange of information. News sources today are limited to the state media’s monotonous propaganda organs, which make nationals wary of any information coming through the official line.

The Eritrean state media, which was mostly institutionalized under the longest-serving propaganda minister, Ali Abdu (who later fled the country), is characterized by a lack of accountability and a habit of character assassination. The Ministry has absolute power to put down anyone they perceive as having even slight differences of opinion, or for really any reason at all.

Many Eritrean citizens became victims of character assassination in the national media under Abdu and his “hit team.” Public figures such as artists, political leaders and athletes were typical prime targets. Naturally, these attacks were published under pen names, although it was not difficult to know who was the mastermind behind the curtain.

Anonymity abounds. But what about accountability?

This tradition of character assassination and using pen names to attack anyone who expresses a contrary or different opinion has been adopted by Eritrean social and mass media in the diaspora, both pro- and anti-regime. Fake accounts and pen names are common, making it nearly impossible to tell who is who. Not surprisingly, pro-regime attacks have the effect of silencing many critics who fear the consequences of speaking against their country’s government.

On one side, there are there regime loyalists who vigilantly troll on social media with fake Facebook accounts and Twitter handles. Characteristically, these regime cheerleaders will use Eritrean flag or an emblem of that sort as their profile images, and will use account names such as “Eritrea Never Kneel Down,” “Hands Off Eritrea,” or “Eritrea Not for Resale.”

Dissident voices are mercilessly countered by anonymous users. This normally involves intimidation and in some cases extends even to death threats.

The opposition camp is not immune from such practices either. Many regime opponents employ similarly abusive language and fabricate information to destroy people on the other side.

The tradition of anonymity and character assassination is manifested in independent websites as well. It’s common among Eritrean independent media to use pen names to destroy someone in the opposite camp. Or else—in the name of freedom of expression—individuals will combine abusive language with an absence of facts and often get away with it.

In this extremely polarized political environment, most topics are reduced to simplistic, back-and-forth arguments between “opposition” and “pro-regime.” And predictably, many websites on both sides continue to publish anonymous articles to avoid accountability. These practices erode credibility and cultivate a tradition where it is nearly becoming impossible to discern reality from made-up facts. In the end, these interdependent practices only serve to damage collective intellects, leaving institutions in tatters and prolonging the life of the dictatorship.

Abraham T. Zere is the executive director of PEN Eritrea in exile.

Source=https://globalvoices.org/2016/08/04/anonymous-eritrea-communicating-in-a-paranoid-state/

EMDHRLogo

ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኤርትራውያን ተማሃሮ 11 ክፍሊ ናብ ሳዋ ከም ዝወረዱ ኣብ ማዕከናት ዜና ክቃላሕ ቀንዩ ኣሎ። እዚ ድማ ብጉልባብ ትምህርቲ ኩሎም ትምህርቶም ዝውድኡ ተመሃሮ ናብ ግዱድ ዕስክርና ዝኽተቡሉን ኣብ ግዱድ ስራሕን ዘመናዊ ግልያነትን ዝኣትውሉ መስርሕ እዩ። እዞም ዓቕሚ ኣዳምን ሄዋንን ዘይበጽሑ ዕሸላት መንእሰያት፡ ካብ ማሙቕ ገዝኦምን ካብ ሓለዋ ስድራቤቶምን ወለዶምን ተመንዚዖም ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽንኩር ኩነታት ወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊም ክወስዱን፡ እሞ ከኣ ንብዙሓት ሕልናን ርህራሄን ዝጎደሎም ዓለምቲ ክቃልዑ ይግደዱ ኣለዉ። ብዙሓት ካብኣቶም ድማ ግዳያት ናይ ዝተፈላለየ ስነኣእምሮዊ፡ ኣካላዊን፡ ጾታዊ በሰላታትን ከምዝኾኑ ዝምስክርዎ ሓቂ እዩ። ሓንቲ ካብዞም ዕሸላት ጓል 17 ዓመት ኣባል 27 ዙርያ "ገንሸል ሳዋ" ብዝብል ኣርእስቲ ኣብ ፈይስቡክ ዘውጽኣቶ ምስክርነት፡ ኣብ ሳዋ ብሓደ ኮሎነል ዘጋጠማ ምግሳስን፡ ጥንስን፡ ምንጻል ጥንስን ንኹሉ ሕልና ዘለዎ ኤርትራዊ ልቢ ዝሰብር እዩ።

እቲ ሓቂ ተማሃሮ 11 ክፍሊ ናብ ሳዋ ክኸዱ ከለዉ ግዱድ ዕስክርና እዩ። በቲ ልክዕ ስሙ ክንጽውዖ ድማ ይግባእ። እወ ግዱድ ዕስክርና!!! የግዳስ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ነቲ ዘይንቡር ከም ንቡር፡ ነቲ መሪር ከም መዓርለሚድናዮ: ከም ቅቡል ጌርና ወሲድናዮ ስለዝኾና ክንቃወሞን ዓገብ ክንብሎን ከምዘሎና'ውን ሓሲብናሉ ኣይንፈልጥን። እዚ ድማ ኣእምሮና ክሳብ ክንደይ ደንዚዙ ከምዘሎ ዘሰክፍ መርኣያ እዩ።

እንታይ እዩ እቲ ጥቕሙ? እዚ ኣብ ስልጣን ተዀይጡ ዘሎ ስርዓት፡ ስልጣኑ ንኸናውሕ፡ ንዝኾነ ዓይነት ናይ ተማሃሮ ኣብያን ምልዕዓልን ከየጋጥም ከመይ ጌሩ ነዞም ተማሃሮ ክቆጻጸሮምን፡ ምእዙዛት ክገብሮምን ዝመሃዞ ተንኰል ድኣ'ምበር ብዛዕባ እዞም ዕሸላት መንእሰያት ሓልዩ ኣይኮነን።

እዞም መዓንጣ ዘይቆጸሩ ንኣሽቱ ኣሕዋትናን፡ ኣሓትናን፡ ደቅናን፡ እሞ ከኣ ኣብቲ ምሕብሓብን ምእላይን ዘድልዮ ኣዝዩ ተነቃፊ ዕድመኦም ብዝኾነ ምኽንያት ካብ ስድርኦም ክፍለዩ ብፍጹም ኣይግባእን። ንሕና ዓገብ ብዘይምባልና እዮም ድማ ናብዚ ዝቃልዑ ዘለዉ። ስለዚ ድማ ካብዚ ኩነታት ክሃድሙ ኣደዳ ስደትን መከራን ሞትን ይኾኑ ኣለዉ።

ስለዚ ሎሚ ድምጽና ብዓውታ እነስምዓሉ ሰዓት ኣኺሉ እዩ። ይኣክል ሱቕታ! ይኣክል እንታይ ገደሰኒ! እዚ ግዱድ ዕስክርና ግዱድ ስራሕን ዘመናዊ ግልያነትን ደው ክብል ኩላትና ዓቕምና ዘፍቅዶ ክንገብር ውዓል ሕደር ዘይበሃሎ ሞራላዊ ግዴታና እዩ። እምቢ ንግዱድ ዕስክርና! እምቢ ግዱድ ስራሕ! እምቢ ዘመናዊ ግልያነት! ኣነ እንተዘይተዛሪበ መን? ሎሚ እንተዘይተዛሪበ መዓስ?

ኤርትራዊ ምንቅስቓስ ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን (ኤምዲሰመ)

3 ነሓሰ 2016

ፕሪቶርያ፡ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ

Thursday, 04 August 2016 23:42

Pope Francis meets with refugee children

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Pope Francis \ Activities

 

 

 

 

Pope Francis met with a group of 65 child refugees from Syria and Eritrea on Wednesday during his General Audience. - AFP

(Vatican Radio) Pope Francis met with a group of 65 child refugees from Syria and Eritrea on Wednesday during his General Audience.

The children are staying in the small town of Castelnuovo di Porto, located 25 kilometres north of Rome.

The children were wearing shirts saying “Grazie Papa Francesco” [Thank you, Pope Francis], and gave the Holy Father a large teddy bear. They also held up a sign saying “Our house is where peace resides.”

Pope Francis washed the feet of refugees from the Centre for Asylum Seekers at Castelnuovo di Porto on Holy Thursday in March.

Source=http://en.radiovaticana.va/news/2016/08/03/pope_francis_meets_with_refugee_children/1249034

 

Thursday, 04 August 2016 12:29

Eritrea Festival 2016 Events

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Addis Ababa Letter: concern their fraught history may once again lead to full-scale war

An Eritrean soldier beats back a crowd of Ethiopian detainees at a camp in Sheketi, Eritrea in June 2000. The  two-year war brought about a disastrous loss of life – 70,000-100,000 people are estimated to have died in scenes of modern trench warfare. Photograph: Tyler Hicks/Liaison

An Eritrean soldier beats back a crowd of Ethiopian detainees at a camp in Sheketi, Eritrea in June 2000. The two-year war brought about a disastrous loss of life – 70,000-100,000 people are estimated to have died in scenes of modern trench warfare. Photograph: Tyler Hicks/Liaison

 
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Tensions between EthiopiaandEritrea snapped in June in their most dramatic way for the last 15 years.

Fighting that erupted at their border involved tanks and heavy shelling and left hundreds dead. While military ordinance has stopped falling for now, any truce – if that word is applicable, such is the ill will on both sides – hangs by a thread, as does the welfare of both countries and the fragile peace and development spreading in the Horn ofAfrica.

Initially, speculation circulated among critics of both countries’ governments that the clash was a fabrication to distract from recent critical reports published by theUnited Nationsand advocacy groupHuman Rights Watch. Such scepticism, however, became harder to sustain as reports mounted about the gravity of the clash near the border town of Tserona.

Eritrea calls Ethiopia the aggressor engaging in “reckless military adventures” and puts the number of Ethiopian dead at 200 and wounded at 300. While rejecting that toll, Ethiopia’s government acknowledges that “a major engagement” took place; observers suggest it took action over Eritrean support of subversive elements inside Ethiopia.

This flash of instability actually occurred amid increasing harmony across the region thanks to increasing trade and economic integration between the likes of Ethiopia,Djiboutiand Somaliland.

Stalemate

However, any sort of harmonising effect has long been absent at the Ethiopia-Eritrea border, which is frozen in a cold war-type stalemate following a fraught history between the two and in spite of shared bonds such as language, culture and family ties.

After Eritrea was subsumed into Ethiopia in 1962, it fought a 30-year liberation war against the powers inAddis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital. This culminated in the fall of Ethiopia’s military dictatorship in 1991 after Eritrean fighters teamed up with Ethiopian rebels.

A referendum followed in 1993 in which the Eritrean people voted in favour of independence. Ethiopia’s new government – created by those same rebels – supported the referendum and its decision, while Eritreans had great hope for their country’s future.

But relations between the two then went downhill and by 1998 fighting broke out over the border around the village of Badme, an inconsequential piece of land; pride, however, has never been in short supply in either country.

The following two-year war brought about a disastrous loss of life – 70,000-100,000 people are estimated to have died in scenes of modern trench warfare – and of financial resources for both sides.

A ceasefire was followed in 2002 by an internationally brokered border resolution to safeguard the peace. Overall it suited both sides, apart from one key detail: Badme was to return to Eritrea.

With forces already ensconced in Badme, the Ethiopian government was loath to withdraw from territory gained through thousands of Ethiopian lives lost. So it proposed that implementation of the resolution required further talks – which didn’t happen – while its troops remained on what everyone acknowledged as Eritrean land.

That’s the way it has stayed ever since, though it has not helped that the international community has looked the other way. Now the worry is of the increasing possibility of full-scale war breaking out with a fight to the finish.

On paper, Ethiopia, with its larger, well-trained and better equipped military, backed by years of economic growth and development while Eritrea stagnated, would come out on top.

But there’s no telling how a final contest, or its aftermath, would play out. And if a decisive blow was delivered against Eritrea’s regime, what then? There are enough examples of how the travails of winning war prove nothing to sorting what follows.

‘Economic locomotive’

The last thing Ethiopia needs as it tries to cement its recent economic and developmental gains is another failed state next door, while the likes of Djibouti and Somaliland do not want a country that many call the “economic locomotive of the region” impeded in its progress – or worse, derailed.

Other reasons exist to dissuade either side from instigating a final round of destruction: Ethiopia is trying to become a more respected and engaged international player, while Eritrea shows increasing signs of tiring of its economic isolation and of contemplating increased international co-operation.

However, when a conflict’s fault lines are defined along common heritage, among neighbours and even relatives, the sense of betrayal and anger felt is personal and runs deep – proving much more difficult to resolve than antagonism between strangers.

All the while there remains that apparently unmovable hurdle throughout the decades, pride, which is nurtured by mutual loathing between the respective governments.

So now would be an excellent time for international diplomacy to finally help sort out a real and lasting compromise settlement – but with diplomacy of an assertive nature, rather than the half-hearted approach of before. Neither Ethiopians nor Eritreans are pushovers.

Source=http://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/africa/tension-high-between-ethiopia-and-eritrea-despite-harmony-in-region-1.2742951


 

  • 2016-08-02
  • BNS/LETA/TBT Staff/Riga

The Latvian Office of Citizenship and Migration Affairs has decided to grant refugee status and alternative protection to 17 people from Iraq, Syria, and Eritrea who have been moved to Latvia from southern European countries, the migration authority relayed to LETA. 

Refugee status has been granted to five individuals from Iraq, while alternative protection has been provided to 12 individuals from Syria and Eritrea. The Iraqi and Syrian families were moved from Greece and the Eritreans came from Italy. 

The families are currently living at an asylum centre in Mucenieki and searching for permanent homes. 

Although refugee status in granted indefinitely, alternative protection is provided for a period of one year. If after one year the circumstances in the nation of origin remains unchanged so that the individual in question no longer needs protection, he or she is issued a new one-year residence permit. 

Two families from Syria and two from Iraq were brought to Latvia from Greece under an EU-wide programme, while two Eritreans were relocated from Italy. 

Alternative status can be provided to an individual if there is a reason to believe that this person is in danger of being exposed to death penalty or corporal punishment, torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, or degrading punishment in his or her country of nationality or previous country of residence (if a person is stateless); this individual needs protection due to international or domestic armed conflicts and cannot return to his or her country of nationality or previous country of residence (if a person is stateless). 

Refugee status can be awarded if an individual has reasonable fear of persecution in his or her country of nationality or previous country of residence (if a person is stateless) due to his or her race, religion, nationality, membership in a social group, or political beliefs. 

At present, Latvia has accepted 53 individuals under the EU-wide refugee relocation programme. Latvia has agreed to admit 531 refugees within two years. While the majority of them will be relocated from EU member states Greece and Italy, 50 people have to be moved from third countries, most likely Turkey.

Source=http://www.baltictimes.com/latvia_grants_asylum_to_17_iraqis__syrians__eritreans_relocated_from_southern_europe/#

 

ሓደ ዝዕመም ስራሕ ረብሓኡ ናይ ሓባር እንተኾይኑ፡ ከምቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ዕዉት ንክኸውን ናይ ኩሎም እቶም ተጠቀምቲ ኢደይ ኢድካ ከም ዘድልዮ ውሁብ ሓቂ እዩ። እቶም ተጠቀምቲ ኣብቲ ቃልሲ እውን ሰብ ግደ ዝኾኑ ኣካላት ብዝተፈላለዩ መምዘንታት፡ ክዕቀን እንከሎ ዓቕምታቶም ዝተፈላለየ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ኣብቲ ናይ ሓባር ናይ ቃልሲ መኣዲ ዝሳተፍሉ ኣገባባት እውን ከምኡ ዝተፈላለየ ክኸውን ግድን እዩ። ገሊኡ ብጉልበት ገሊኡ ብሓሳብ። ገሊኡ ብውሽጢ ገሊኡ ብግዳም። ገሊኡ ብገንዘብ ገሊኡ ድማ ብህይወት። ናይዚ ኩሉ ውሁድ ጻዕርን ኣበርክቶን ድምር ከኣ ነቲ ናይ ሓባር ሸቶ የዕውት። ከም ኤርትራውያን እቲ ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዘርኣናዮ ኩሎም ናጽነትን ምኽባር መሰልን ዝብህጉ ኤርትራውያን ከከም ክእለቶም፡ ዓቕሞምን ዝንባለኦምን፡ ብዓድን ብበረኻን ዘበርከትዎን ዘመዝገብዎ ዓወትን ካባና ሓሊፉ ንካልኦት ወገናት እውን ኣብነት ዝኸውን ንኡድ ተመኩሮ እዩ።

ሎሚሎሚ ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ንምርግጋጽ ደሞክራስን ምኽባር ኩሉ መሰላትን እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገልጸ ውህደትና ንናይ ሓባር ረብሓ እንዳረቐቐ፡ እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ሓደ ንሱ ክገብሮ ዝግበኦ ከይገበረ ክነቕፎን ከቆናጽቦን ንዕዘብ ኣለና። እቲ መንእሰይ ነቲ ብዕድመ ዘደፈአን  ብተመኩሮ ዝገረረን ገዲም ነቲ ሃብታም ኣውንታኡ ገዲፉ፡ ነቲ ንኡስ ድኽመቱ መዝሚዙ ክነቕፎን ከቆናጽቦን ትዕዘብ። እሞ ድማ ንሱ እቲ ነቓፋይ ካብኡ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ ኣበርክቶ ከየርኣየ። እቲ ገዲም ነቲ መንእሰይ ድማ ከምኡ ብግልባጡ። ኣብ መንጎ በርገሳዊ ማሕበራትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ዝተወደቡን ብውልቆም ነበርክት ኣለና ዝብሉን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ነንሕድሕድ ውድባትን ማሕበራት እውን እዚ ናትካ ኣቐሚጥካ ብዛዕባ እቲ ካልእ ኣካል ምውርዛይ ይርአ እዩ። እዚ ኣተሓሕዛ ጉዳያት ኣንጻር ሓድነት ናይቶም ናይ ሓባር ረብሓ ዘለዎ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ከም ብዓል ህግደፍ ዝኣመሰሉ ሓድነት ናይቶም ኣንጻሮም ዝተሰለፉ ርእሶም ዘሕምሞምን ዘባህርሮምን፡ ነዚ ዘይቅዱስ ምርሕሓቓት የታትይዎ እዮም።

እንተደኣ እቲ መኣዲ ቃልሲ ኮነ ውጽኢቱ ናይ ሓባርካ ኮይኑ እቲ ቅኑዕ ኣገላልጻ መንነትካ “ንሕና” እዩ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ነቲ ብባህሪኡ ዝተቐራረበ ንከተረሓሕቕ “ንሕናን ንሳቶምን” ዝብል ሓረግ ምዝውታር፡ ኣሉታዊ ሳዕቤናቱ ብዙሕ ኮይኑ ቀንዲ ድማ ሓድነት ናይቶም ናይ ሓድነት ተጠቀምቲ ዘዳኽም እዩ።  እቶም ካብቲ ቃልሲ ለውጥን ዓወትን ክሕፈስ እሞ ህዝብና ክርህዎ እንደሊ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ብሓሳብን ግብርን ነንውልቅና፡ ነንውድብና፡ ነንማሕበርና ቀንዲ ኣካል ናይቲ ለውጢ ከምጽእ ዝግበኦ ሓይሊ ገይርና ክንወስድ ይግበኣና። ሽዑ ኢና ከኣ ቅድሚ እገለ እንታይ ገይሩ ምባል፡ ኣነኸ እንታይ ገይረ ኢልና ንነብስና ክንሓታ ዝግበኣና።  ሕቶ ካብ ሓተትና ከኣ መልሲ ክንረኽበሉ ንቕሰብ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል እዮም ከኣ ፈለጣት ናይዚ ዛዕባዚ፡ “ለውጢ እትኽእሎ ብምብርካት እምበር ኣበርክቶ ካለኦት ብምንእኣስ ዝመጽእ ኣይኮነን” ዝብሉ።

ከምዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብሰንኪ መላኺ ባህርያት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ገጢሙና ዘሎ ጸበባ ክገጥም እንከሎ፡ ቅድሚ ኩሉ ነገዛእ ርእስና ኣብ ናይ ለውጢ ተጸባይነት ቦታ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣካል ናይቲ ንለውጢ ዝጽዕት ወገን ጌርና ከነሰልፋ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ለውጢ ትብህግን ትጽበን ክንስኻ ኣካል ናይቲ ናይ ለውጢ  ሓይሊ ዘይምዃን ብሓጺሩ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን። ከምቲ “ ንሰብ መስትያቱ ሰብዩ” ዝበሃል ንሓደ ውልቀሰብ፡ ውድብ ወይ ማሕበር ኣብ መስርሕ ንሱ ክርእዮ ዘይከኣለ ጌጋኡ ክተርእዮ፡ ምዝኽኻሩ ምናልባት እውን ምንቃፉ ኣይግባእን ማለት ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ እቲ ኣነቓቕላ ናብዚ ተግባርዚ፡ ንንእሽቶ ኣሉታ ኣጉሊሕካ ብምስኣል ንምቁንጻብ ዘይኮነስ፡ ነቲ ጌጋ ከይዓበየ ፈዊስካ ንምህናጽን ምሕጋዝ ክኸውን ይግበኦ። እሞ ድማ ንስኻውን እቲ ካለኦት ክገብርዎ እትደልዮ እንዳፈጸምካን ዝነቅፍ መልሓስን ብርዕን ብምስሓል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ሃናጺ ነቐፈታ ዝሰምዕ እዝንን ልብን ብምኽፋት ክኸውን ይግበኦ።

ከምቲ “ተመሊስካ ንእትረድኦ ሓዲግካዮ ኣይትእቶ” ዝበሃል፡ ኣጻብዕትና ኣንጻር ሓደ ክንቅስር እንከለና፡ ሳዕቤኑ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ እነወጣውጠሉ ኣካል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ናባና እውን ምዃኑ ክንኣምን የድሊ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ መስርዕ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብ ዘለዉ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ኣብ ሓደ ዝረአ ኣውንታዊ ኮነ ኣሉታዊ ምዕባለ ነቶም ካለኦት እውን ከም ዝጸልዎም ምርዳእ። ነቲ ብቐጥታ ዝህሰ ዘሎ ጥራይ ኢልካ ዘይኮነስ፡ እንተላይ ምእንታኻ ኢልካ እውን ከተስተብህለሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ካብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ዘይሓጋዚ ኣካይዳ ምኻድ ከድሕኑና ካብ ዝኽእሉ መርጫታት ሓደ ከኣ “ቅድሚ ንካለኦት ምውቃስ ግደኻ ምብርካት” ዝብል ተረድኦ ምሓዝ እዩ።