ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ
እዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና እዋን ብመንጽር ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሃለዋት ኣዝዩ ኣጸጋምን፡ ካብዚ ጸገም ንምውጻኣ ናትና ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ናይ ካለኦት ደለይቲ ጽቡቕና ኢድ እውን እንጽበየሉ መድርኽ እዩ። ምጽባይ ክበሃል እንከሎ ናትካ ከይገበርካ ኢድካ ኣጣሚርካ ናይ ካልኦት ደገፍ እተቋምተሉ ዘይኮነስ፡ ነቲ ናትና ብጽሒት እንዳፈጸምና ናይ ካለኦት መራጐዲ ኣስተዋጸኦ እንሓተሉ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ወሳኒ ናትናን ናይ ህዝብናን ዝተወሃሃደ ድፍኢት ስለ ዝኾነ። እዞም ክልተ ተግባራት፡ ኣብ ኢድካ ብዘሎ ወሳኒ ዓቕሚ ምጥቃምን፡ ናይ ካለኦት ኣካላት ተደራቢ ዓቕሚ ክትረክብ ምምሕጻንን፡ ዝተነጻጸሉን እቲ ሓደ ምስ ተተግበረ እቲ ሓደ ዝስዕብን ዘይኮኑስ ኣብ ሓደ መስርሕ እንዳተመላልኡ ኣብ ዓወት ዝበጽሑ እዮም።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ብምርዳእ ከምቲ ልሙድ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብጻዕቂ ይስርሓሉ ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ሒደት መዓልልታት’ኳ፡ ኣብ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ፡ ኣብ ዞባ ኤውሮጳ፡ ኣብ ኣወስትራሊያን ኢትዮጵያን ዘካየዶም ዝያዳ ናብ ሰልፋዊ ጉዳያት ዘድሃቡ ናይ ኣባላት ኣኼባታት ናይዚ ኣብነት እዮም። ብዘይካዚ ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ኣብ 23 ሕዳር 2014 ዘካየዶ ናይ ኩሎም ኣባላት ሰፊሕ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርን ሰልፍን ዘድሃበ ኣኼባ ካልእ ናይቲ እዋናዊ ወፍሪ ኣካል እዩ። ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብ ዓባይ ብሪታንያ ዘሰላስሎ ዑደትን ምስ ዝተፈላለየ ፖለቲካዊ ኣረኣእያ ዘሎም ግና ድማ ኤርትራዊ ተገዳስነቶምን ሻቕለቶምን ሓደ ዝገብሮም ኤርትራውያን ዘካየዶ ኣኼባ ከዓ ነብሱ ዝኸኣለ ርኢቶኻ ናይ ምስራጽ ስራሕ እዩ። እዚ ሓደ መርኣያ ናይቲ ጉዳይ ኤርትራ ብቐዳምነት ንኤርትራውያን ዝምልከቶም ምዃኑ እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ውስጠ-ሰልፋውን ህዝባውን ኣኼባታት ቆላሕታ ዝወሃቦም ዛዕባታት፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኣሻቓሊ ኩነታት ንኹሉ ንጹር’ኳ እንተኾነ ከም መእተዊ ምስ ዳህሲስካ፡ ናይቲ ሰልፊ ርኢቶ ብዛዕባ ኣወዳድቓ ዲክታተርያዊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ወሳኒ ግደ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን፡ ኩነታት ደንበ ተቓውሞን ናብ ሓደ ናይ ቃልሲ መኣዲ ኣመጻጽእኡን፡ ዝምድናታት ኤርትራዊ ሓይሊ ተቓውሞ ምስ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለምን ጐረባብትን እቶም ቀንድታት ከም ዝኾኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ።
ኣብ ከምዚ መድረኽ ብሓፈሻ፡ ብፍላይ ከዓ ኣብቲ ህዝባዊ ኣኼባታት፡ ዕላማ ናይቲ ርክባት ሒዝካዮ ዝቐረብካ ርኢቶ ተሳተፍቲ ከም ዝቕበሉልካ ምግባር ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። ማዕረማዕረ እዚ ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ዝወሃብ ኣውንታዊ ይኹን ኣሉታዊ ርኢቶ ንምቕባል እውን እዩ። መጻኢ ፖለቲካዊ መደባትካ ብምሉኡ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ዝበዘሓ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝቕበሎ ክትገብሮ እትኽእል ከዓ ካብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣጋጣምታት ብዝእከብ ሃናጺ ሓሳባት ክህብትም እንከሎ እዩ። ከምቲ “ክቕየር እንከለኹ ዝቕየር፡ ርእሰይ እንቕንቕ እንከለኹ ርእሱ ዝንቕንቕ ዓርኪ ኣይደልን እየ፡ ምኽንያቱ ነዝስ ጽላለተይ እውን ብዝሓሸ መንገዲ ክፍጽመለይ ስለ ዝኽእል” ዝበሃል ናይ ነኣድትኻ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ዝያዳ እትመሃረሉ ናይ ነቐፍትኻ ሓሳብ እውን ካብዚ እዩ ዝርከብ። እዚ መስርሓ ኣብ ሰባት ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ ናይ ምስራጽ ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ነዊሕ ግዜን ከቢድ ድኻምን ዝሓትት እምበር፡ ኣብ ሓደ ክልተ ኣኼባታ ጻማ ድኻምካ ትሓፍሰሉ ኣይኮነን። ስንኻ ነኺስካ እንተቐጺልካዮ ግና ከምቲ ብቐጻሊ እትነጥብ ማይ ከውሒ እትሰብር፡ ጻዕርኻ ከም ዘድምዕ ትስፉው ኮይንካ ምቕጻሉ መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ እዩ። ሰደህኤ፡ ኣብ ዝመረጾ ኣገባብ ቃልስን ሕቶ ሓድነት ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞን ርኢቶኡ ኣብ ግደ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበራትን ኣብ ለውጥን፡ ዘተባብዕ ግንዛበ ይምዝገብ ምህላዉ ከዓ ሓደ ተስፋ ካብ ዝህቡ ምዕባለታት እዩ። ምእንቲ እዚ እዩ ከዓ ሰደህኤ ዓቕሙ ክሳብ ዘይገደቦ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራውያን ኣካላት ዝገብሮ ርክብ ከም ቀንዲ ዓማሙ ዝሕዞ።
ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብዚ ዘመነ ዓለም ለኻውነት ቀደም እንተኾነ እውን ከምዚ ናትና ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ምድሓን ቃልሲ ምስ ካለኦት ሓይይልታት እንዳተደጋገፍካን ኢድ ከይተኣታተኻን እምበር ገዛኻ ዓጺኻ በይንኻ ዝዕመም ከም ዘይኮነ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ይኣምን’ዩ። ግጉይነት ናይ ዕጹው ገዛ ፖሊሲ ዝምድና ከዓ፡ ናብ ርሑቕ ከይከድና ካብ ተመኩሮ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እንመሃሮ እዩ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል እዩ ድማ ሰደህኤ ኣብ ብዙሕ ዓለም ለኻዊውን ዞባውን መድረኻት ከከም ኩነታቱ ብኣካልን ብኻልእ መንገድን ዝሳተፍን ናይ ህዝብና ሕሰም ገሊጹ ምድግጋፍት ዝሓትትን። ኣብቲ ዝገብሮ ተሳትፎ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት ከከምቲ ዝተሰለፍሉ ዕላማታት፡ ኣብ መዳይ ደሞክራሲ፡ ሰብእዊ መሰልን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታትን እጃሞም ከበርክቱ’ዩ ዝምሕጸን። ዝሓለፈ ጻዕርታት ናይዚ ሰልፊ ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ኣብ ከተማ ጆሃንስበርግ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ 15 ሃገራት ናይ ዝውክል ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃዊ ናይ ዕቤት ኮሙኒቲ ዝተባህለ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበር ኣብ ዘዳልዎ ዓውደ መጽናዕቲ፡ ኣካል ኤርትራዊ ልኡኽ ኮይኑ ዝገበሮ ተሳትፎ ፍሉይ ግምት ዝወሃቦ እዩ።
እዚ ተሳትፎ ፍሉይ ዝኾነሉ ምኽንያት ብክልተ መንጽር ምርኣዩ ይከኣል። በቲ ሓደ ወገን ደንበ ተቓውሞና፡ ኣፍሪቃዊ ክንሱ ተፈላጥነቱ ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ ኣዝዩ ድሩት ኮይኑ ድሕሪ ምጽንሑ በዚ ሰፊሕ ኣፍሪቃዊ ጽልዋ ዘለዎ ማሕበር ክፍለጥን ክዕደምን ምኽኣሉ እዩ። ከምቲ ዘይንስሕቶ ካብ ዕማማት ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ሓደ ናይዛ ኣህጉር ሰላምን ቅሳነትን ምርግጋጽ እዩ። ናይ ኤርትራ ጉዳይ ዘይሓወሰ ኣፍሪቃዊ ናይ ሰላም ኣጀንዳ ምሉእ ከም ዘይከውን እትገልጸሉ መድረኽ ምርካብ እምበኣር ኣዝዩ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እቲ ካልእ ፍሉይነቱ ኣብዚ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ እሂንምሂንን ንኤርትራዊ ረብሓ ሓቢርካ ምውፋር ዝጠፈኣሉን ናይ ምምንጫት ህሞት፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራውያን ውድባት፡ ማሕበራትን ንጡፋት ውልቀ ሰባትን ነናይ ትካሎም ዝለዓለ እምነት 2ይ ደርጃ ኣትሒዞም፡ ብደረጃ ኤርትራዊ ልኡኽ ምእንቲ ለውጢ፡ ሰላምን ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ኤርትራውያን ብሓደ ቃል ክዛረቡ ምኽኣሎም ኣዝዩ ዘሕጉስን መጻኢ ብሩህ ተስፋ ዘመልክትን ምዃኑ እዩ።
እቲ ኣብ ኣፍሪቃዊ መድረኽ በዂሩ ዝጸንሐ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ብኣፍሪቃዊ ማሕበራትን ውድባትን ዘይፍለጥ ምዃኑ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ምስ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ሌላ ዘይምግባሩ እውን ካልእ ጸገም እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ካብ ኣወሃሃዲ መድረኽ ንሃገራዊ ዘተ ኣንበሳድር ዓንደብርሃን ወልደጊዮርጊስ፡ ካብ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣቶ ወልደየሱስ ዓማር፡ ካብ ኤርትራዊ ምንቅስቓስ ንዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ኣቶ ኩሉብርሃን ኣብርሃም፣ ከምኡ’ው ወይዘሮ ሳልዋ ኑር ኤርትራዊ ተሓላቒት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኣብ ሃገራት ወሽመጥ ዝቖመ ልኡኽ፡ ምስ ኤርትራውያን ነባሮ ፕሪቶርያን ደርባንን ኣኼባ ምክያዱ ካልእ መግለጺ ዓወት ናይቲ መገሻ እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ኣብዚ ከባቢ መንገዲ ተኸፊቱ እምበር እቲ ዝድለ ሸቶ ተመዝጊቡ ማለት ኣይኮነን። ኣብቲ ዝድለ ንምብጻሑስ እቲ ዝኸበደ እቲ ተሪፉ ዘሎ እዩ። እዚ ተበግሶ እዚ ካብ ተመኩሮ ብሩሰልስ ተማሂርካ፡ ብዓይኒ ሓልዮት እንተተራእዩ መኽሰቡ ንኹሉ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎ ደላይ ለውጢ ምዃኑ ጌርካ ክውሰድ ዝግበኦ እዩ። ሓቢርካ ምውፋር ክሳብ ክንደይ ከም ዘዕውት ድማ ከም ኣብነት ክውሰድ ይግበኦ። “እሞ ኣብ ደነበ ተቓውሞና ከምዚ ዓይነት ረዚን ልቦና ኣሎዶ?” ንዝብል ሕቶ ግና ኣፍካ መሊእካ ናይ “ኣወ” መልሲ ክትህቦ ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። እንተኾነ እዚ ጸገም ኣይኮነን ሎሚ እንተዘየለ ጽባሕ ብቓልሲ ክፍጠር ናይ ግድን ስለ ዝኾነ። እዚ ልኡኽ ኣብቲ ዝተሳተፈሉ መድረኽ ብዘቕረቦ “1፡ መንግስቲ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ፖለቲካዊ ዑቝባን ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ብሰላም ክነብሩን ኣብ ማሕበረ-ቍጠባዊ ምዕባለ ናይ'ታ ሃገር ክሳተፉ ዘኽእሎም ዘድሊ ሕጋዊ ሰነዳትን ክህቦም፤ 2፡ ናይ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራት ንቃልስታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምእንቲ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ሰብኣዊ ክብርን ፍትሕን ዝገብርዎ ደገፍ ክብ ከብሉ፤ 3፡ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ብመሰረት ቅዋሙ ናይ ኣሳላጢነት እጃሙ ክጻወት፤ 4፡ ጐረባብቲ ኤርትራን ሃገራት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ብመሰረት ኣህጕራዊ ውዕላትን ንመሰላትን ድሕነትን ናይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ከሕልዋን ንጽውዕ።” ዝብል መልእኽቲ ዕላማ ተሳትፈኡ ክሳብ ክንደይ ጸቢብ ውድባዊ ወይ ማሕበራዊ ዘይኮነስ ኤርትራዊ ምንባሩ ኣነጺሩ እዩ።
ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ መንገዲ ዓወት በይንኻ ዝግበር ወፍሪ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ንጹር መጽናዕትን ፍልልያት ብግቡእ ኣብ ዝተመሓደረሉ ባይታን ሓቢርካ ብምስራሕ ምዃኑ ካብ ቀድሙ ስለ ዝርዳእ፡ ንመጻኢ ኣውን ንጹር ቅሩብነትን ትብዓትን ምስ ዘለዎም ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ኣካላት ንምስራሕ ኣፍደግኡ ክፉት ምዃኑ በዚ ኣጋጣሚ የረጋግጽ።
15 ታሕሳስ 2014
الأوضاع في ارتريا واضحة كالشمس للقاصي والداني، لذلك لا نستعين بشرحها إلا علي سبيل التقديم، وقد بحت أصواتنا ونحن ندق نواقيس الخطر محلياً واقليمياً ودولياً. وقد وصف الكثير من المراقبين ارتريا بالدولة الفاشلة وما يشبه ذلك من ألقاب ونعوت. وأخيراً زعم البعض أن ارتريا ( قد ماتت ). لكن كل تلك التأوهات المتشائمة لن تقتل فينا الأمل والعشم في أن يشرق فجر التغيير وتنبعث ارتريا من موتها من جديد.
لقد تضافرت أسباب عديدة علي وصول ارتريا الي وضعها المزري الذي تعيشه اليوم، لكن يأتي في مقدمة تلك الأسباب والمسببات وجود حزب الهقدف علي سدة الحكم فيها، فهو المسئول الأول عن كل ما جرى ويجري لارتريا في عهده المشأوم. وإذا كان من الممكن السؤال عن السبب وراء إصرار الهقدف علي مواصلة ارتكاب هذا الجرم بحق بلادنا وشعبها، فإن الإجابة أكثر تعقيداً من سهولة السؤال. وما يعقد الإجابة هو ليس عدم وجود جواب علي هذا السؤال، إن ما يعقدها هو أننا نحن الذين نسأل هذا السؤال الذي لن نجد له جواباً من الهقدف، بالطبع يقدم كلٌّ منا مشروع إجابته علي هذا السؤال الجوهري، لكننا نختلف ونتباين تماماً في مشروع الإجابة، نقطة أو معضلة الخلاف الرئيسية في إجابتنا هي أنه بالرغم من وضوح معاداة النظام السافرة لكل ما هو ارتري وطناً وشعباً يتكرم بعضنا بتفصيل قميص ضيق لعدائية النظام لمجمل الشعب يقصر تلك المعاداة علي فئة دون أخرى ويحصر محاباته علي فئة دون أخرى. فالبعض منا يصف النظام بأنه يمثل المسيحيين، والبعض الآخر يعتبره نظاماً تجرنيوياً، بعضنا يعتبره اقليمياً ينحاز لاقليم بعينه. في رأينا أن قصر دائرة إدانة النظام الواسعة علي فئة بعينها أو منطقة بعينها إنما يعتبر رديفاً إضافياً مساعداً يضيف المزيد من الراحة والترف علي عرش التناقضات الثانوية والنعرات الطائفية الذي يتمدد عليه، يزيده قوةً علي قوة ولا يؤذيه في شيء. لذلك ففي مؤتمره الأول وصف حزبنا في قراراته السياسية النظام بأنه بخلاف تاكتيكاته الهادفة الي تفريق قوى الشعب وتضليل رؤاه وتمويه هوية النظام الحقيقية فإنه ليس صديقاً أو قريباً لقوة بعينها ولا عدواً لقوة أخرى، بقدرما هو عدو الجميع.
لا يمكن الحديث عن أي شأنٍ ارتري بمعزل عن التنوع أو التعدد، وعندما يدار هذا التنوع الشامل بحكمة وحنكة فإنه ثراء وقوة لنا، وهذه حقيقة أثبتها كفاحنا الوطني التحرري الذي هو قلادة شرف علي جبين تعددنا وتنوعنا. وبالفعل عندما تعاملنا مع تعددنا بأساليب غير راشدة أصبح التعدد من عيوبنا ومن نقاط ضعفنا وعوامل تفرقنا كما هو حادث الآن. وهذا ما فعله نظام الهقدف تماماً، إنه قسم كل شيء وفرق بين كل زوج من الكائنات الارترية، لذلك أطال عمر نظامه وقصف شباب بلاددنا وهي في عمر الزهور. لكن شعبنا بوعيه وحكمته دائماً يختار الأساليب الأنجع لحل مشكلاته، لذا عليه أن يسمع العالم صوته بأن "التوتر ليس في مصلحة أحد"، كما يجب أن يعلم شعبنا أن كل ما يقوم به الهقدف في الداخل إنما هو الخراب العام الذي لا يستثني بشراً ولا حجراً. وعلي كل من تفوت عليه أضاليل الهقدف فيظن أن الهقدف إنما يعمل علي خدمته أن يعلم أن ما يتبعه الهقدف من تكتيكات التضليل والتمزيق ليس إلا في مصلحة فئة جد ضئيلة من حارقي البخور الملتفين حوله في أضيق حلقة من المصالح الذاتية البحت.
إذا كان ديدن الهقدف أن يعيش وينتعش في هذه البيئة القذرة فما الذي يجب علينا نحن الذين يفترض أن تكون مهمتنا العمل علي إنقاذ شعبنا ووطننا، أي طريق نسلك؟ مبدئياً وموضوعياً هذا سؤال سهل الإجابة. يجب ألا نقع في الفخ النضالي الذي يتوقع النظام أن نقع فيه ويعمل هو علي استدراجنا اليه. إذا كان الطريق النضالي المفخخ هو طريق التشرذم والصراعات الجانبية، فإن الطريق الآمن والسليم هو المواجهة المستندة علي أسس ومبادئ وحدوية ووطنية عامة. وهذا الطريق هو الذي يجب أن نسلكه في محاربة الهقدف وهو الأسلوب الناجع والمضمون لاستئصاله من جذوره. كما يجب أن نعلم أن أساليب وتكتيكات الهقدف التمزيقية الماكرة لا تقتصر علي ما ذكرنا فقط، فحتى الانقسامات والانشطارات داخل التنظيمات السياسية أو المنظمات المدنية تصب هي الأخرى في مصلحة الهقدف. هذا ولما كان التشرذم التنظيمي في صالحه فهو يهتم كثيراً بصب الزيت علي نار الخلافات الداخلية داخل كل تنظيم علي حدة وبين كل مجموعة أو تنظيم وآخر.
أما نحن فيجب أن نسلك الطريق الوحدوي الذي يجمع ولا يفرق، ويقرب ولا يبعد ولا يقصي، بل يجب أن نبذل أغلى التضحيات في سبيل ذلك. هذا بالطبع لا يعني أن نلغي حق الخلاف في الرأي بيننا، ولا أن لا ينتج عن تباين الرأي عدد كبير من التنظيمات ذات وجهات النظر الفكرية المتباينة. ذلك أننا نعتبر التعدد الحزبي والفكري جزءاً لا يتجزأ من أعمدة النظام الديمقراطي ومبدأ رئيس من مبادئ حقوق الانسان. بيد أن حق التعدد التنظيمي ليس بالحق الفوضوي الذي لا يراعي ظروف وحساسيات المجتمع ولا يتقيد بقوانين تنظيم الأحزاب. لابد أن نراعي في تكويننا الحزبي الموضوعية ونقيم بناءنا التنظيمي علي أسس موضوعية مبررة. والتحدي الماثل أمامنا نحن المناضلين من أجل التغيير هو ألا يكون تعددنا عائقاً أمام وحدتنا في مقاومة النظام، ولا حاجزاً بيننا وبين ثقة الشعب بأكمله. إن الاختلاف والتشرذم لا يستنزف طاقاتنا فحسب، بل يقلل من وزننا في نظر الشعب ويجعلنا أضحوكة ونموذج لانعدام المنطق، فكيف يرجو منا الشعب توحيده ونحن لم نوحد أنفسنا؟! بل يقف هذا عائقاً بيننا وبين إيصال صوتنا للعالم الخارجي، لأن من لا يملك الوزن والسند الشعبي لن يجد آذاناً صاغية. أمامنا الكثير من الدروس والتجارب التي يجب علينا الاستفادة منها.
إن حالة الانعزال والتباغض التي نعيشها اليوم لا تسر إلا العدو. وكل من يرانا علي هذه الحال البائسة لا شك سوف يشك كثيراً فيما إذا كان أمر شعبنا وبلادنا يهمنا بأي قدر من الاهتمام. إن النظام بالطبع سوف يكون مسروراً للغاية كلما ولد في الساحة السياسية هيكل تنظيمي جديد أعرج ضعيف ومهلهل البنية والأرضية السياسية والتنظيمية، مثل أن يولد تنظيم جديد علي أساس اقليمي مثلاً. وبذلك نزداد مأساةً علي مأساة. لقد أقر مؤتمرنا في قراراته السياسية المشار اليها آنفاً أن " حزبنا وإن كان يؤمن بنظام تقسيم اداري اقليمي جديد قائم علي التوازن الاقتصادي والسياسي فإنه وحتى يتم ذلك أو ينظر في أمره وفق نظام دستوري شرعي فإن التقسيم الجغرافي الاداري السابق لتقسيم الهقدف الاقليمي هو الذي يجب العمل به".
لماذا يعتبر تكاثر التنظيمات أحد الأمراض المزمنة لمعسكر المعارضة الارترية؟ هذا السؤال من أكثر الأسئلة تردداً في أفواه الناس عند حديثهم عن المعارضة. وفي حين يتم العمل علي تضييق شقة الخلاف بين التباين غير المبرر بين التنظيمات ومحاولة تقليص أعدادها تأتي الأخبار بالجديد من ظهور مواليد جدد في سجل التنظيمات والجمعيات والمنظمات، بعض تلك التنظيمات أو المنظمات الجديدة تبرر ولادتها بأن الأوعية التنظيمية السابقة لم تعد مقنعةً ولا مجدية. وعندما يتم التساؤل عما إذا كان الخلل في الترحال التنظيمي من وعاء الي وعاء أم في العناصر البشرية الراحلة أو المرتحــَــل عنها تصعب الإجابة علي منظري قيام التنظيمات الجديدة. هنا يجب أن ننتبه الي حقيقة أن التنظيم دائماً ليس فقط وعاءاً يستوعب عدداً كبيراً من الناس، إنما هو في الأساس بوتقة تتشارك وتتلاقح وتنصهر فيها عددية كبيرة من الأفكار. هذا التلاقح والتلاقي بين الأفكار والناس لا ينحصر علي التنظيمات فحسب، بل يتعداها الي الجبهات والتحالفات والائتلافات. ومن يختار المشاركة في هذه المعمعة ويكون جزءاً من جدلية وسيرورة تلاقح وصراع وتآلف الأفكار يجب أن يكون مستعداً لأن يكون شريكاً في الفوز والخسارة لفريقه، وليس الفوز الدائم له وحده ونسب الخسارة للآخرين. وكل محاولة لاحتواء الأفكار الأخرى والافتئات علي الشركاء سوف تؤدي الي خلافات حادة لم تكن في الحسبان تؤدي بدورها الي انشطارات في الجسم الواحد. من هنا يتضح أن الخلل لم يكن في الوعاء التنظيمي الذي اخترنا العمل ضمنه سوياً، بل في عدم القدرة علي استيعابنا للأشخاص المكونين للتنظيم والذين من المؤكد ليسوا علي رأي أو قلب رجلٍ واحد. الحل إذن في تحمل الخلاف في الرأي والصبر علي ما لم نكن نتوقعه من هزيمة لأفكارنا واستخلاص الدروس والعبر مما مر بنا، وليس في تغيير ميدان معركتنا أو وعائنا التنظيمي. بل يجب أن نعلم أنَّ ما هـَـرَبْــنا منه من ضيق الوعاء التنظيمي السابق كالخلافات الفكرية وحتى الشخصية سوف ينتظرنا في وعائنا التنظيمي الجديد أيضاً، فهل نريد أن تكون حياتنا كلها ضيقاً بالرأي الآخر وهروباً منه. لن يختار عاقل هذا المسار الهروبي الي الأمام حيناً والي الخلف حيناً.
ርእሰ ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ
ኤርትራ ሃገርና ኣብዚ ሎሚ እዋን ብበበዓይነቱ እሞ ድማ ኩሉ ሕማቕ መዳያት ኣብ እትግለጸሉ ኩነታት ኢና እትርከብ ዘለና። ካብቲ ብዙሕ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ዝግለጸሉ ብሰንኪ ዲክታቶርያዊ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ሳዕሪሩ ዘሎ ኣበራት፡ እዚ ዝስዕብ ኩላትና እንረዳዳኣሉ ከም ኣብነት ምቕራብ ይከኣል። ኤርትራ ናይ ሎሚ፡
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- ኩሉ ደሞክራስያውን ሰብኣውን መሰላት ዝተሓረማ፡ ዜጋታታ ኣብታ ብመሪርን ነዊሕን ብመስዋእትነት ዘረጋገጽዋ ሃገሮም እግሮም መሊኦም ዘይስጉምላ፡ ኣፎም መሊኦም ዘይዛረቡላ፡
- ሕግን ሕጋውነትን ዝበኾረላ። ዜጋታት ኣብ ጽላል ሕጊ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽቡቕ ድሌት ውልቀሰባት ሰማይ ደጊፎም ዝሓድሩላ። ወተሃደራዊ ኣብያተ ፍርዲ ዝዕንድረላ፡ እተቐጽዑ ብዱላት ስለምንታይ ኢሎም ዘይሓቱላ። ዝተኣስሩ ዝተኣሰርሉ ቦታ ዘይፈልጥሉን ብቐረቦም ከይተሓቱ ዝሕብኡላ፡ ኮታ ጥርጡራት ነብሶም ናይ ንምክልኻል ሕጋዊ መሰል ዝተነፍጉላ፡
- እኹል ዝብላዕ መግቢ፡ ዝስተ ጽሩይ ማይ፡ ጸዓት፡ ሕክምና ኮታ ኩሉ መሰረታዊ ማሕበራዊ ኣገልግሎት ኣዝዩ ዝወሓደላ ብፍላይ ድማ ጉዳይ ትምህርቲ ኣብ ኣዝዩ ዘተሓሳስብ ትሑት ደርጃ ዝወደቐላ፡
- መሰል ምውዳብ፡ ምቅዋምን ሓሳብካ ምግላጽን ዝተሓረመላ። ብዘይካ ናይቲ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ልሳናት ንሳተን እውን ድኹማት ናይ ብሕቲ ሚዲያ ዘየብላ፡ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ገዛኢ ጉጅለ ምቅዋም ዘይኮነስ ምዕላል እውን ዝተኸልከለላ፡
- መንእሰያት ዕላማኡን መወዳእታኡን ኣብ ዘይፍለጥ ግዱድ ውትህድርና ተጸሚዶም፡ ብጉልባብ ምህናጽ ሃገር ብዘይክፍሊት ኣብ ጥሙይ ከብዶምን ዕሩቕ ዝባኖምን፡ ናይ ውሱናት ሰብ ጽሩራ ሃነጽቲ ኣባይትን መልማዕቲ መስኖን ዘመናውያን ባሮት ኮይኖም፡ ወይ ተማሂሮም ንነብሶም ኮይኖም ሃገር ዝሃንጽሉ ፍልጠት ዘይረኽቡላ ወይ ድማ ናብራ መስሪቶም ወለዶ ንምትካእ ዘይወልዱላ
- መሰል ዜግነትካ ተጠቒምካ፡ ብዘለካ ዓቕሚ ሰሪሕካ ዘይትበልዓላ፡ ብናታቶም ህርኩትና፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ መዳያት ህንጻን ትራንስፖርትን ክንቀሳቐሱ ፈቲኖም ዝነበሩ ዜጋታት ዝተፈላለየ ምስምስ ብምቕራብ ፈቓዳቶም ምስ ተመንዘዐ፡ ዝርካቡ ኣብታ ሃገር ዘሎ ቁጠባዊ ንጥፈታት ናብ ኢድ እቲ ዝገዝኣ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ዝወደቐላ፡ ዓዲ ከለዎም ዓዲ ዝሰኣኑ ደቃ ከይፈተዉ ምዩቕ እንዳበሉ ብዘይውሕስነት ዓዲ ካለኦት ከልምዑ ዝተገደዱላ፡
- ዜጋታት እምነቶም ብነጻ ዘየዘውትሩላ፡ እቲ ጉጅለ ኣብ ኣብያተ ክርስቲያንን መሳጊድን ናቱ ሰለይቲ እንዳመደበ፡ ኣመንቲ ንጽድቂ ኢሎም ዘበርከትዎ ሞባእን ንዋየ ቅዱሳንን በቲ “መንግስቲ እየ” ብዝብል ጉጅለ ዝውረሰላ፡
- ብሰንኪ ሕማቕ ባህርያት ናይቲ ዝገዝኣ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ካብ ጐረባብታ ብፍላይ፡ ብሓፈሻ ድማ ካብ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ስለ ዝተነጸለት፡ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ዓለምና ብሳላ ዘመናዊ ምዕባለ ናብ ቁሸት ዝተቐየረትሉ ናይ ተሓጋጊዝካ ምዕባይ መዋእል፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ዝነብር ህዝባ ካብ ገበርቲ ሰናይ ኣካላት መሕለው ትንፋስ ዝኸውን ሐገዝ ከይረክብ ጅሆ ዝተታሕዘላ። ኣብ ውጻኢ ዝነብር ህዝባ ድማ “ኤርትራዊ እየ” ንክብል ዝስከፈላን ኣብ ግዜ ሐጐስን ሓዘንን ናብ ዓዱ ክመጽእ ዘይክእለላ፡ ጸቢብ ዕድል ክረክብ እንከሎ ከዓ ዕረ እንዳጠዓሞ ንህግደፍ ክምርቕን ክግብርን ዝግደደላ፡
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ብሓፈሻ፡ ብዘይ ናይ ህዝቢ ፈቓድ ብኢደወነኑ ስልጣን ብዝጨበጠ ጉጅለ እትግዛእ፡ መቆጻጸሪ ሕገመንግስቲ ዘየብላ፡ ሃገር ክንሳ ዳርጋ ብምልእታ ናብ ዓባይ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዝተቐየረት ሃገር ኮይና ኣላ ምባላ ዝቐልል ሃገር ኮይና ኣላ ኢልካ ምጥቕላል ኣብ እትግደደሉ ደረጃ እትርከብ፡ ካብዚ ንምውጻእ ድማ ናብ ሰማይ ኣንቃዕሪራ ደቃ ከድሕንዋ እትምሕጸን ዘላ ሃገር እያ ኤርትራ ናይ ሎሚ።
ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ኣብ ከምዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ናይ ጸበባ ኩነታት ክነብር እንከሎ፡ ዋላ መርበብ ስለያን ምቁጽጻርን ገዛእቱ ይጽናዕ፡ ዋላውን ኣርዑት ወጽዓ ይኽበዶ ካብዚ መቑሕ ክወጽእ ፍሕትሕት ምባሉ ዘይተርፍ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እውን ከም ህዝቢ ንኣርዑት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣይተቐበሎን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ካብዚ ኣርዑት ናይ ምውጻእ ንያቱ እንዳበረኸ ክኸይድ ናይ ግድን እዩ። እምቢ ንመሰለይ ነጻነተይ ምባል ከዓ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቀንዲ ሕመረት ታሪኹ እምበር ሎሚ ከም ሓድሽ “ሀ” ኢሉ ዝመሃሮ ኣይኮነን። ስደት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ሓደ ካብ ናይ እምቢ ኣይግዛእን መለለይኡ እምበር ጁባኡ ንምምላእ ዝመረጾ ኣይኮነን። ካብዚ ነቒልና ኢና ድማ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ታሪኽና ስደትን ቃልስን ንኤርትራውያን ተመላላእቲ እዮም ነይሮም እንብል። እቲ ካብ’ዚ ቀረባ ዓመታት ጀሚሩ ክርአ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ስደት ብብዝሑ ኣዝዩ ዘሰንብድ፡ ብጠንቁ ድማ ከምቲ ናይ ቀደም ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ዘይኮነስ ብሰንኪ ኤርትራዊ ክንሱ ልዕሊ ባዕዳውያን ዝውጽዕ ኣካል ዝጠፈጠሮ ምዃኑ ፍሉይ ባህሪ ዘለዎ እዩ። እቲ ቅድም ዝነበረ ዓለማዊ ኩነታት ካብዚ ሎሚ ንነብረሉ ዘለና ዝተፈልየ ምዃኑ’ውን ንትሕዝቶ’ቲ ናይ ሎሚ ስደት ፍሉይ ይገብሮ።
ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኤርትራ ጉዳይ ስደት ክለዓል እንከሎ ቅድሚት እትስራዕ፡ ጉዳይ ልምዓትን ሰላምን ክዝርዘር እንከሎ ድማ ስማ ዘይለዓል ሃገር ኮይና ከም ዘላ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝነና ግና ድማ ክንክውሎ ዘይንኽእል ተርእዮ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ጉዳይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ብፍላይ ድማ ድሕሪቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት ኣብ ደሴት ላምፓዱሳ ዘጋጠመ ህልቂት ኣብ ዓለም ኣዛራብነቱ መሊሱ ገኒኑ እዩ። ብዘይካ’ቲ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ብቐጥታ ዝምልከቶ ዓለም ለኻዊ ትካላት፡ ኣብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝሓልፉለንን ዘዕርፉለንን ሃገራት እውን እዚ ዛዕባ ኣጀንደአን ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ቤት ምኽሪ ጸጥታ ውድብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት፡ ንተደጋጋሚ ኣውያትና ሰሚዑ፡ ህልዊ ሰብኣውን ደሞክራሲያውን ኩነታት ኤርትራ ዘጻሪ ኣካል ክሳብ ምምስራት ክበጽሕ እንከሎ፡ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ካብቲ ደራኺ ረቛሒታት ቀንዲ ከም ዝኾነ ንጹር እዩ። ናይዚ ስደት ጠንቂ እቲ ኣብ መእተዊና ተዘርዚሩ ዘሎ ሳዕቤን ኣሉታዊ ምምሕዳር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምዃኑ ርኡይን ግሉጽ’ኳ እነኾነ፡ እቲ ተኣሚሙ ዘሎ ምጽራይ ዕምቆት ገበን ናይቲ ጉጅለ ንምፍላጥ ሕጋዚ ክኸውን እዩ። ነዓና ንኤርትራውያን ግና ብዘይምጽራይ’ውን በዳሊና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምዃኑ ከይተጻረየ ጽሩይ እዩ።
ሃገራት ንጉዳይ ስደት እውን ከም ዝኾነ ተረኽቦ መምስ ረብሓአንን ጸጥታአንን ኣዛሚደን ክርእይኦ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ እየን ድማ ዝተወሰና ሃገራት ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዕቑባ ካብ ምሃብ ኢደን ምስሓብ ምእንቲ ክጥዕመን፡ ካልእስ ይትረፍ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብ ዓዲ ክወጹ ንዝፍትኑ ብዘይፍርዲ ክርሸኑ፡ ቤተሰብ ናይቶም ብናታቶም ውሳነ ዝስድዱ መንእሰያት ብኣሸሓት ዝግመት ናቕፋ ንክኸፍሉ ንዘውጸኦ ሕግታት ዕሽሽ ብምባል፡ ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ናይ ቁጠባ እምበር፡ ናብ ዓዶም ዘየምልስ ፖለቲካዊ ጸገም የብሎም ክብላ ይደናደና ኣለዋ። እቲ ዝያዳ ዘሕዝን ድማ ዝተወሰኑ ኤርትራውያን ዓይኖም ብጨው ተሓጺቦም ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ደልሃመት እንዳ ፈለጡ፡ ካብ ከም በዓል ሱዳን ተጨውዮም ዝተመልሱ ኤርትራውያን መሃላልሞም ከም ዝጠፍእ እንዳተረድኡ፡ ናይዘን ሃገራ መዳመቕቲ ክኾኑ ክወጣወጡ እንከለዉ እዩ። ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ስደት ሓደ ካብ መርኣያታት ተቓውሞ ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እምበር ናይ መወዳእታ ፍታሕ ከም ዘይኮነ እንዳኣመነ፡ ነዚ ንቀጻልነትና ሓደገኛ ዝኾነ ስደት ብዝምልከት ብዕቱብነት ካብ ዝቃለሰሎም እዋናውያን ዛዕባታት ሓደ ንሱ እዩ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል እዩ ድማ 3ይ ዓመታዊ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ነቲ ብስም ሰልፉ በብእዋኑ ብጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ዓለም ለኻውን ዞባውን መድረኻት ክቐርብ ዝጸንሐ መዘክራትን ምሕጽንታታትን ዝያዳ ንምርጓድን ንምጽብራቕን፡ ብ28 መስከረም 2014 ኣብ ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ፡ኣብቲ ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ክፋሉ … the dictatorship in our country is the root cause for the continued influx and displacement of our people, which is resulting in the loss of hundreds and thousands of Eritrean lives across the world …. International community, United Nations refugee agencies, and host countries to protect and assist Eritrean refugees according to the provisions established in the various refugee conventions and protocols (ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ዲክታቶር፡ ናይቲ ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ናይ ኣሸሓት ኤርትራውያን ህልቂት ዘስዕብ ዘሎ ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደትን ምምዝባልን ተሓታቲ እዩ። ….. ዓለም ለኸ ማሕበረሰብ፡ ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ትካላት ስደተኛታትን ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝተዓቖቡለን ሃገራትን፡ ብመሰረት ንስደተኛታ ብዝምልከት ዝተበጽሑ ስምምዓትን ውዕላትን ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ከዕቁባን ክሕግዛን ንጽውዕ።) ዝብል ይርከቦ።
ሓደ ሓደ ካብቶም ዝስደዱ መንእሰያት “ንሕና ዝሓሸ መነባብሮ ንምርካብ ኢና ተሰዲድና እምበር ኣብ ኤርትራ ጸገማት ኣይነበረናን” ክብሉ ይስምዑ እዮም። “ሃብቲ ደኣ ኣብ ኤርትራስ ሰሪሕካ ክርከብ ይኽእል እንድዩ” ምስ በልካዮም ድማ “እወ ግና እቲ መንግስቲ ኣየስረሓካን እዩ” ብዝብል ነቲ የብልናን ዝበልዎ ጸገም ከም ዘሎ ባዕላቶም ይድርጉሕዎ። ቅድሚ ኹሉ እዞም ከምኡ ዝብሉ ኣዝዮም ውሱናት ነቲ ዝበዘሐ ብሰንኪ ፖለቲካዊ ገበን ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከም ዝተሰደን ናብ’ቲ ጉጅለ እንተተመሊሱ ዝወርዶ ግፍዒ ዝርዳእን ክፋል መግለጺ ክኾኑ ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ብዓብይኡ ድማ እቲ ኣቐዲምና ዚርዚርናዮ ዘለና ጸገማት ኣይኮነንዶ ነቲ ስርዓት ገዲፉ ዝተሰደስ እቲ ስርዓት ውን ዘይቅቡል ምኽንያት ከቕርበሉ ተዘይኮይኑ ክሓብኦ ዘይክእል ናብ ስደት ደፋኢ ኩነታት ምህላዉ ዘረድእ እዩ። እቶም ዝተወሰኑ ነቲ ኩነታት ሸፋፊኖም ክሓብእዎ ዝፍትንሉ ምኽንያት ብናትና ግምት፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ፖለቲካዊ ጸገም ኣሎ እንተበሉ ጽቡቕ ስም ሃገር ዝድውኑ ዘለዉ ዝመስሎ፡ ምናልባት እውን ካብቲ ጉጅለ ስለ ዘይበተኹ ደሓር ናብኡ ንምምላስ ንከየጸግሞም ክኸውን ይኽእል። ወይ እውን ከምዚ ገለገለ ወገናት ንጠንቂ ስደት ኤርትራውያን ከናእስዎ ዝፍትኑ፡ ካብ መጀመርታኡ ካብቲ ጉጅለ ምስሉ ንከመላኽዑ ዕማም ተዋሂብዎ ዝለኣኹ ክኾኑ ይኽእሉ። እቲ ሳሕቲ ኣብ ፈቐዶ እንዳህግደፍ እንደኸድካ ዝረአ ሳሕቲ ምኽታም ናይ ጣዕሳ ቀጥዒ ኸዓ ነዞም ዳሕረዎት ዝተጠቕሱ እዩ ዘዘኻኽረና።
ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ካብ ጠንቅነት ስደት ንክሃድም፡ ንሓንሳብ ንኹለን ምዕራባውያን ሃገራት፡ ንሓንሳብ ንሲኣይኤ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ንጐረባብቲ ሃገራትን ንውልቃውያን ነጋዶ ደቂ ሰባት ከላግበሎም እዩ ዝፍትን። እንተኾነ ከምቲ “እንተዘይትደፍኣኒ መን መጽደፈኒ” ዝበሃል ንሱ ባዕሉ ንስደት ዝደፋፍእ ኩርኳሕ ኩነታት እንተዘይፈጥር እቲ መንእሰይ’ውን ኣብ ሃገሩ ራህዋ እንዳሃለወ ነቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝሓምዮ ናይ ግዳም ጐስጓስ ናብ ስደት ኣይመመረጸን። ብዝኾነ ኣብዚ ዛዕባዚ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ተቓሊስካ ምስዓሩ ተዘይኮይኑ ምዒድካ ናብ ልቡ ምምላሱ ስለ ዘይከኣል፡ ግዜ ንወስደሉ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይና፡ እምበኣር ሃገራት፡ ጉዳይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት በቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝነዝሖ ናይ ሓሶት “ናብ ዓዶም ምምላስ ዝኸልክሎም ኣካል የለን” ዝብሎ ምምጽዳቕ ከይተዓሸዋ፡ ድሕረትን ድኽነትን’ኳ ጽልዋ እንተሃለዎም፡ ናይቲ ስደት ቀንዲ ጠንቂ ፖለቲካዊ ምዃኑ ተገንዚበን ብመሰረት ዘለወን ዓለምለኻዊ ግዴታን ሓላፍነትን ዝከኣለን ክገብራ ጻዋዒትና ንምቕራብ እዩ። ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት እውን ረጊኦም ብዛዕባ መጻኢኦም ዝሓስብሉ ዕቑባ ክሓቱ’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ መፍትሕስ ኣብ ዝሃለኻ ሃሊኻ ኩነታትካ ብዝፈቕዶ ምቅላስ ምዃኑ ከይዝንግዑን ከየራጥጡን ንምሕጸኖም።
5 ታሕሳስ 2014
What Lessons Can We Learn from the Arab Spring?
Wednesday, 03 December 2014 21:55 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
Over the last two decades and emboldened by the collapse of USSR in the early 90s, we have witnessed a sweeping civil disobedience and grassroots movements branded as orange revolution (Ukraine in 2004), yellow revolution (Philippines in 1986), rose revolution (Georgia in 2003), Jasmine revolution (Tunisia 2011) and many others. Yet, with the exception of few and despite that dictator after dictator was swept away from power across the globe, most grassroots movements and popular uprisings waged under those many revolutionary names (colors) failed to register a marked change in the lives of those citizens who spilled their blood to oust their dictators.
For example, the recent history of the Arab spring that brought down Dictator Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Gaddafi of Libya, Ben Ali of Tunisia, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen turned out to be unfulfilled revolution, and the social, economic, and political transformation that the people of those three countries had hoped and set out to achieve through the revolution is not happening. The fact is three years after the burst of the Arab spring, with the exception of Tunisia, which is barely taking off with the hope to establish a viable political system, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya have lost the revolution.
For example, consider Libya: since the revolution that ousted Gaddafi, Libya finds itself teetering on the brink of instability. The revolution that was meant to transform the country into democracy and freedom has instead bred groups who see the country along tribal, ethnic, sectarian, and religious fault lines. There is no strong central government; the country is being run by a system based on chiefdoms/fiefdoms and Islamic extremists, all competing to assert their aristocratic rule in the country. This multifaceted problem deeply rooted in kinships and tribal political divisions, and which rejects democratic principles and institutions is what stole the Libyan revolution. Now, Libya is edging to a full scale civil war, which can potentially break the country into mini chiefdoms.
Similarly, in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood under Mohammed Morsi came to power following the removal of Hosni Mubarak. But one year into power, it was ousted by the Egyptian military on the account that the Muslim Brotherhood was sabotaging the Tahrir square revolution and diverting the political system of the country into an Islamic one by marginalizing the vast majority of secular Egyptians. Not only that, but almost immediately, the military designated the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, arresting its senior leaders and forcing some to go into hiding. Such a designation became a pretext for the Egyptian army to arrest anyone “who belongs to Muslim Brotherhood or anyone who involves in anti government protests in support of Muslim Brotherhood.” The army also seized “assets and properties” of the Muslim Brotherhood in a move aimed at weakening the group’s financial stronghold, which the group had for so long depended on to mobilize its members as well as to expand its base of influence. The takeover of power by the army coupled with the absent of an organized force to transform the victory of the Tahrir square revolution into a concrete secular political system left Egyptians to face unending turmoil and violence.
What is the one lesson we Eritreans can learn from last two decades of various movements/revolutions in general (that took place in Eastern Europe and Latin America) and from the recent Arab spring in particular that toppled longtime Middle East dictators from power, but in the process the revolution became stifled from reaching its potential – establishing socio-economic and political change.
Certainly, the Arab spring unleashed unprecedented passion for revolution and drive for change among Eritreans; it can be said that it is bearing heavily on the majority of Eritreans to take a new look on and to openly voice their opposition against the corrupt and repressive regime of Issais in a manner that never seen over the last two decades of our struggle for democracy and freedom. It seems that we may have learned a lesson or two from the Arab spring that the political power of dictators can be short-lived when they face a powerful popular/grassroots movement, and yet the Arab spring experience also shows us how complex it is to institute a viable alternative in the absence of an organized and inclusive political and democratic process.
In addition, the Arab spring or even other revolutions in history show that removing dictatorship is easier than replacing them, which means that there is always a potential for revolutions to be stolen as quickly as they occur. There are few, but important lessons why revolutions fail? One, is the absence of an inclusive, democratic, and organized movement that skillfully stirs the revolution towards the aspiration of the people that is focused on democratic political system, revolutions/uprisings could be hijacked either by groups associated with the old political order or by new forces who would swear by and hide behind the people’s movement. We have seen this in history. Two, well organized extremist forces taking advantage of the social and economic frustration of the public may attempt to establish their own system of governance that overtime marginalizes the vast majority of citizens, like that of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt or the tribal and Islamic militia groups in Libya, or like that of the Yemeni’s Houthi Shiite insurgents who would not accept anything short of controlling the political power either through violence and mayhem or through other destabilizing means, which is all a serious challenge to democratization process - nation building, and establishment of a constitutional form of governance that the whole society could benefit from.
Eritrea is at a crossroad, meaning the dictator is shaking and his fall is imminent either through popular uprising or through a military coup. The question in front of us is whether either means will achieve the vital democratization process that anchors on the diversity and interests of Eritrean society as a whole; or will it undermine the prospect of democracy to take root and lead the country to turmoil and far-reaching destabilization instead?
In the wake of the Arab spring, we have seen how the transition to democracy could be derailed by the emergence of Islamic extremist groups (as in Egypt), rising societal divisions along tribal and ethnic fault lines (as in Libya and Yemen), and by external forces who looks after their own interest.
Having seen the unfulfilled Arab revolutions, it is crucial for Eritreans to learn and avoid those same mistakes from occurring in our country. We must recognize that any revolution is by no means the birth of democracy and peace. For a revolution to be successful, it must be strategically guided by the ideals and principles of democracy that aims at democratizing and establishing pluralistic system of representative government in our country, which must achieve free and fair election, protects fundamental individual rights, exercises rule of law, promotes equitable social and economic justice and other elements of democratic governance…etc.
Finally, what can be done in our country to ensure a smooth transition to democracy? How can we avoid a revolution that can easily falter and become a recipe for violence?
First, we must cement a strong cooperation between the inside and outside opposition, making sure that the primary role and function of these two oppositions is to remove Issais regime and to transition Eritrea to democracy and representative system of governance.
Two, dealing with the inevitable that is, with the religious, ethnic, and regional groups in the opposition and bringing them to the process to avoid undermining democracy, democracy that benefits the whole society and transcends ethnic and religious divisions in our country.
Three, Eritrean experts must play their historical role in mapping the transition to democracy and showing the advantage of democracy to the entire Eritrean society.
Four, Eritrean civil society organizations must remain independent of political organizations and be the voice of democracy and participation by providing solidarity and education among Eritreans in their struggle against dictatorship that can cut across regional, ethnic, and religious fault lines.
All, the lesson from the Arab spring is this: sometimes, the explosion of popular uprising against tyranny does not translate to change. As the ill-fated revolution of Egypt, Libya, and Yemen shows, mass protests are not enough to bring democratic change unless they are grounded on collective, inclusive, and representative leadership that engages the population in the very political processes of the change. It means that we Eritreans must learn from the wealth of experience of the recent Arab and other revolutions, and avoid being another statistics.
ወዮ ዘይጋልባስ ደርጓዕ ኣብለለን - ርእሰ ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
Saturday, 29 November 2014 08:34 Written by EPDP Editorial Board
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ
ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ምጥቃስ፡ ምናልባት ከም መእተዊ ክትጥቀመሉ ናይ ግድን እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ሎሚ ንኹሉ ኣብ ርሑቕን ቀርባን ንዘሎ ፈታውን ጸላእን ብሩህ ከም ጸሓይ ቀትሪ ስለ ዝኾነ ዝርዝር ዘድልዮ ኣይኮነን። በብግዜኡ፡ በቲ ኣብ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎ ድኽነትን ምብኳር ፍትሕን፡ በቲ ንህዝብና ዘጋጥሞ ዘሎ ተነጽሎ፡ በቲ መንእሰያትና ሃገር ገዲፎም እግሮም ነናብ ዝመርሖም ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ዝዛሪ ዘይመስል ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት… ወዘተ መምስተሰከፍና ኣውያትናን ምሕጽንታናን ከነስምዕ ጸኒሕና ኢና። ስለ ዝፈራሕና’ኳ ደፊርና እንተዘይበልናዮ፡ ብዙሓት መጽናዕትና መሪሑና ዝብሉ ወገናት፡ ንኤርትራ “ዝወደቐት፡ መንግስቲ ዘይብላ ዝበረሰት ሃገር” ዝብል ቅጽላት ክህብዋ ካብ ዝጅምሩ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ሎሚ ሎሚ ድማ ”ኤርትራስ ሞይታ እያ” ዝብሉ ገለጻታት ይቀላቐሉ ኣለዉ። እነሆ እምበኣር ካብቲ ዝፈራሕናዮ ኣይወጻእናን ኣብዚ ተበጺሑ። እንተኾነ ሕጂ እውን ተስፋ ቆሪጽና “ድሕሪ ሞት ጥዕና ቅበጽ” ኢልና ትንሳኤ ኤርትራ ኣረጋጊጽካ ለውጢ ናይ ምምጻእ ኒሕና ኣይክዓርብን እዩ።
ኤርትራ ናብዚ ዘላቶ ኩነታት ንክትወድቕ ጠንቂ ዝኾኑ ምኽንያታት ብዙሓት ክኾኑ ከም ዝኽእሉ’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ ተሓታቲ ግና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ስለምንታይ እዩ ንሃገርናን ንህዝባን ብኸምዚ ንሕስያ ዘየብሉ ኣገባብ ዝድህኮም ዘሎ? ዝብል ሕቶ መሰረታዊ ኮይኑ፡ ውዱእ መልሱ ንምርካብ ግና ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። ኣጸጋሚ ዝኸውን መልሲ ስለ ዘየብሉ ዘይኮነስ ንሕና እቶም ንህግደፍ ምስ ሓተትና እሞ ካብኡ ውዱእ መልሲ ስለ ዘይንረክብ፡ ነናትና ናይ እማመ መልሲ እነቕርብ ኣካላት፡ በቲ እማመ ክንሰማማዕ ከቢድ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ። ካብቲ ነዚ ሕቶ ንምምላስ ዝፈላልየና ቀንዲ ምኽንያት እቲ ጉጅለ ናይ ብምሉኣ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ጸላኢ ምዃኑ ንጹር ክነሱ፡ ገሌና ነቲ ጉጅለ ከም ናይ ሓደ ትሕቲ ሃገራውነት ዝመሰረቱ ኤርትራዊ ጉጅለ ወኪልን ተሓላቓይ ጌርና ከነቕርቦ ስለ እንፍትን እዩ። ንሓንሳብ ናይ ክርስትያን፡ ንሓንሳብ ናይ ትግርኛ፡ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ናይ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ተሓላቒ ብምምሳል። ብርኢቶና እዚ ነዚ ጉጅለ ምስ ኩሉ ሓጥያቱ ንሓደ ክፋል ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ወይ ድማ ንሓደ ከባቢ ካብ ኤርትራ ምጽግዑ፡ ምስቲ ተወጢሕዎ ዘሎ ናይ ከፋፊልካ ምግዛእ ተንኮሉ ተደሪቡ ጠቓሚኡ እምበር ጐዳኢኡ ኣይኮነን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ድማ ሰልፍና ኣብቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ጉባአኡ ዝወሰኖ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነ፡ “ሰደህኤ፡ ህሉው ስርዓት ህግደፍ፡ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ ንምንዋሕ ዝጥቀመሉ፡ ህዝቢ ናይ ምክፍፋል ሜላ እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ንዝኾነ ክፋልካ ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝቐርብን ዝርሕቕን፡ ወይ ከኣ፡ ብፍሉይ ዝውክሎ ከምዘይኮነ እምነቱ ይገልጽ፣” ብዝብል ኣስፊሩ ዘሎ።
ብዛዕባ ኤርትራ ክንዛረብ እንከለና ብዛዕባ ብዙሕነት ምዝራብና ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ ኩለመዳያዊ ብዙሕነትና ብግቡእ ክመሓደር እንከሎ መልክዕናን መሰረት ሓያልነትናን ምዃኑ ሓቂ እዩ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ሓቅነቱ ኣብቲ እንሕበነሉ ታሪኽ ቃልስና ምእንቲ ነጻነት ኤርትራ ተረጋጊጹ እዩ። ብዙሕነትና ብዝተጸንዐን ሓላፍነታውን ኣገባብ እንተዘይተመሓዲሩን እንተዘይተቓንዩን ከዓ ብኣንጻሩ ክፋእናን በታኒናን ምዃኑ እቲ ሎሚ ኣብ ሕልና ኩላትና ዘንጸላሉ ዘሎ ስኽፍታ ምስክር እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንሃገርና ኣብቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ መራግእቲ ዘየብሉ ሕማቕ ነገር ከም እትወድቕ ዝገበረ፡ ነቲ ኣይፋልካን ዝሓዝካዮ ኣተሓሳስባ መንገዲ ደሓን ኣይኮነን ክብሎ ዝግበኦ ዝነበረ ህዝቢ፡ ዘዝጥዕሞ መፈላለዪ ዘንጊ ማለት፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ብሄር፡ ዕድመ፡ ተሳልፎ ኣብቲ ዝሓለፈ ቃልሲ፡ ጾታ፡ ከባቢ … ወዘተ እንዳመዘዘ፡ ነቲ ብሓባር ኣንጻሩ ወቒዑ ከድምዕ ዝግበኦ ቅልጽምን ተዛሪቡ ከስምዕ ዝግበኦ ልሳንን ኣብ ነንሕድሕዱ ከተፋንኖ ተንኮላት ክኣልም ስለ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። እንተኾነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንደገ ብዝስማዕ ድምጺ’ኳ “ምትፍናን ንረብሓይ ኣይኮነን” እንተዘይበለ ብውሽጡስ መጻወድያ ህግድፍ ንጥፍኣቱ እምበር ንልምዓቱ ከምዘይኮነ ኣይሰሓቶን። ካብቶም ህግደፍ ናይ ምፍልላይ መርዚ እንዳነስነሰ መናውሒ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ ክገብሮም ዝፍትን ኣካላት ህዝቢ፡ ብዘይካ ኣዝዮም ውሑዳት ሕርጓቶ ህግደፍ ዘራኸቦም ውልቃውያን ኩሎም ተረባሕቲ ኣይኮኑን።
እሞ ትንፋስን ቀጻልነትን ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ከምዚ ዝተገልጸ ዘይእሙን ባይታ ዝተሰረተ ካብ ኮነ፡ ንሕና እቶም ምእንቲ ድሕነት ህዝብን ትንሳኤን ሃገርን እንቃለስ ዘለና ኣካላትከ ኣብ ዓወት ንክንበጽሕ ኣየናይ መንገዲ ኢና ክንመርጽ ዝግበኣና?። ብዓይኒ ቅንዕና እንተርኢናዮ እዚ ሕቶ እዚ ምሉስ እዩ። ንሕና ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ በቲ ንሱ ዝጽበየና ሜላ ቃልሲ ኣይኮናን ክንገጥሞ ዝግበኣና። ብኣንጻሩ በቲ ስሙ ክለዓል እንከሎ ጥራይ ዘንጸራርዎ ሓድነት ዝመሰረቱ ኣገባብ ኢና ከነጥቀዖ ዝግበኣና። ህግደፍ ረብሓኡን ቀጻልነቱን ኣብ ምርሕሓቕን ምትፍናንን ናይቲ ተሰሚሩ ከጥፍኦ ዝኽእል ህዝቢ እንተኾይኑ፡ ንሕና ድማ ነቲ ህግደፍ ዝሰግኦ ሓድነት ናይ ኩሎም እቶም ኣብ ውድቀቱ ዝረብሑ ኣካላት ከነውሕስ ኢና ክንሰርሕ ዝግበኣና። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ዘይቅዱስ መፈላለይ ቀጥዕታት ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ዝድረት። እንተላይ ናይ ውድባት ድዩ ናይ ማሕበራት ምፍንጫላት እውን ንረብሕኡ እዩ። ንረብሕኡ ካብ ኮነ ከዓ ዓቕሙ እንተዘይደሪትዎ፡ ደድሕሪ ዝኾነ ፍልልያት እንዳኸደ ከምዘይዕረ ካብ ምግባር ድሕር ከም ዘይብል ኣይንዘንግዕ።
ንሕና ነቲ ኣካቢ ኣገባብ ክንመርጽ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ክንመርጽ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ነዚ ዝመረጽናዮ ከነተግብር ድማ ዋጋ ክንከፍል ይግበኣና። ኣብ ዓወት ንምብጻሕ ንተቐራሪብካ ምስራሕ ዘራጉድ እንተዘይኮይኑ ዝትክእ ምርጫ የብልናን። እዚ ክንብል እንከለና ምኽኑይ ናይ ርኢቶ ፍልልይ ኣይሃልወና፡ በዚ ናይ ርኢቶ ምፍልላይና ተደሪኽና ብዙሓት ውድባት ወይ ማሕበራት ኣይሃልዋና ማለትና’ውን ኣይኮነን። ህላወ ኣብዘሓ ውደባ እሞ ከም ሓደ ደሞክራሲያዊ መሰል ተቐቢልና እንሰርሓሉ ዘለና እዩ። እዚ መሰል እዚ ግና ንኩነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ዘይገናዝብን ብሕጊ ውደባ ዘይግዛእን ፍኑው መሰል ኣይኮነን። ምኽኑይነት ኣብ ኩሉ ስጉምትታትና ቦታ ክረክብ ዝግበኦ ቀላሲና እዩ። እቲ ከነስተውዕሎ ዝግበኣና፡ እዚ ብዙሕነትና ነቲ ኣንጻር መላኺ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክንገብሮ ዝግበና እሞ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብመንጽር ባህጊ ህዝብና ዘየዕወትናዮ መኸተ ብዘዳኽም ወይ ብዘዕንቅፍ መንገዲ ክተሓዝ ከም ዘይግበኦ’ዩ ። ምፍልላይና ዓቕሚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ዘስእነና። ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ እውን ተኣማንነት የስእነና። “ንርእሶም ዘይኮኑስ ህዝቢ ክእክቡ” ንበሃል። እዚ ኣበሃህላ እዚ ስንብራቱ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ጸገም ህዝብና ክንገልጽን ደገፍ ክንሓትትን እንከለና እውን ክብደትን ተሰማዕነት የስእነና። ናይ’ዚ ሓቅነት ንምርግጋጽ ኣብ ርእሲ እቲ ብሓባር ብሰንኪ ዘይምምራሽና ዘጋጥመና ዘሎ ዕንቅፋታትን ዝሕተላን ካብ ናትና ክውንነት ወጻኢ እውን ብዙሕ ክንመሃረሉ እንኽእል ናይ ከባቢ ተመኩሮታት ኣለና። ዝምኮረሉ ዘይረኸበ ተሞኩሮ ግና መኻን ኮይኑ እዩ ዝተርፍ።
ኣብ ምንጽጻግን ተመዓዳዲኻ ምርእኣይን ኩነታት ምህላውና ኣዝዩ ዘተሓሳስብ እዩ። ነዚ ዘተሓሳስብ ገፍጣዕ ኣተሃላልዋ ግቡእ ፖለቲካዊ መልክዕ ኣትሒዝና ክንጐዓዝ ብዘይምኽኣልና ሰንከልከል ኣብ ንብለሉ ዘሎና ኩነታት፡ ከምቲ “ንበዓል ነጐዳ ሓዊ ደብሶ” ዝበሃል ካልእ መሊሱ ናይ ሓባር ሓይልኻ ዝርምስ፡ ብኽንድኡ ደረጃ ድማ ህግደፍ “መጺኻለይዶ ክጽበየካ” እንዳደረፈ ሓንጐፋይ ዝብሎ ሓድሽ ቅዲ ምፍልላይ ክቀላቐል እንከሎ፡ እምበርዶኸ ሃለዋት ህዝብና ይስቆረና ኣሎ እዩ የብለካ። ንኣብነት ሓድሽ ቅዲ “ብደረጃ ኣውራጃ ንወደብ።” ኣብ ርእሲ ዘላታስ ተወሰኸታ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ኸዓ “ወዮ ዘይገልባስ ደርጓዕ ኣብለለን” ንብል ዘለና። እቲ ኣቐዲምና ዝጠቐስናዮ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነ ሰደህኤ ንኣውራጃዊ ምምሕዳር ምስቲ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ብዘይፈቓድ ህዝቢ ኣተኣታትይዎ ዘሎ ዞባዊ ምምሕዳራት ብምውድዳር “ጠለብ ህዝቢ ምክፍፋል ኪግበር፤ ወይ ሓድሽ ምምሕዳራዊ ምክፍፋል ኣድላይነት ከም ዘይብሉ ድሌት ህዝቢ ምስዝኸውን፡ ቅድሚ 1995 ዝነበረ ስርዓተ- ኣውራጃታት ዳግም ክስርሓሉ፡ እምነትን ድሌትን ሰዲህኤ ምዃኑ ጉባኤ ኣስሚሩሉ።” ዝብል ኣስፊሩ ኣሎ።
ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ስለምንታይ እዩ ምርባሕ ውድባት ከም ሓደ ሕዱር ሕማም ዝረኣ? ዝብል ሕቶ ካብቲ ብጻዕቂ ናብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ዝለዓል ሕቶታት እዩ። ነቲ ዘሎ ብዝሒ ውዳበታት ዘይምኽኑይ ፍልልያቱ ገሊፍካ ናብ ቅርጥው ዓቐን ንምምጻእ ቃልሲ ኣብ ዝካየዱ፡ ሓድሽ ማሕበር ወይ ውድብ ተመስሪቱ ክውረይ እንከሎ’ውን ከምኡ እዚ ሕቶ ይለዓል። ገለ ወገናት ነዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ዝህብዎ መልሲ “እቲ ዝቐደመ ውዳበ ስለ ዘየድመዐ እዩ ሓድሽ ውዳበ ዘድልይ” ይብሉ። እቲ ዘይምድማዕከ ካብቲ ግኡዝ ውዳበ ድዩ ወይስ ካብ ዘይምብቃዕ ናይቶም ኣብቲ ውዳበ ዘለዉ ተዋሳእቲ? ዝብል ሕቶ ክስዕብ እንከሎ ከዓ መልሲ ንምርካብ ውጥይጥይ ይኸውን። ኣብዚ ከነስተውዕሎ ዝግበኣና እምበኣር፡ ውድብ ናይ ብዙሓት ሰባት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ናይ ብዙሓት ኣተሓሳስባታት መዋስኢ ሜዳ ምዃኑ እዩ። ውድብ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ግንባራትን ልፍንትታትን’ውን ከምኡ ናይ ብዙሓት ውዳበታትን ኣተሓሳስባኦምን ናይ ሓባር መዋስኢ እዩ። ኣብዚ ሜዳዚ ካብቲ ዝምዝገብ ዓወታትን ዘጋጥም ፍሽለታትን ምስቶም መዋስእትኻ እትካፈለሉ እምበር በይንኻ ተዓዋታይ ከም ዘይትኸውን ኣሚንካ ኢኻ ናብቲ ሜዳ ትወርድ። ነቲ ሜዳ ቃልሲ ናይ ግድን ናይ በይነይ ክገብሮ እየ ኢልካ ምስ እትብገስ’ሞ ውጽኢቱ ከምቲ ዝተጸበኻዮ ኣብ ዘይኮነሉ ከዓ ፍልልያት ይፍጠር። ምናልባት’ውን እዚ ፍልልይ ናብ ምፍንጫል የምርሕ። ኣብዚ እቲ ጸገም ናይቲ ኣቐዲምካ ዝመረጽካዮ ሜዳ ቃልሲ ዘይኮነስ ናይቶም ተዋሳእቲ ዘይጸዋር ኣቀላልሳ እዩ። ውጽኢት ከም ዝደለኻዮ ኣብ ዘይኮነሉ እቲ መፍትሒ ኣብ መስርሕ ንጉዳያት ናብ ረብሓኻ ከተምጸኦ ስንኻ ነኺስካ፡ ካብ ተመኩሮኻ እንዳተመሃርካ፡ ክኽፈል ዝግበኦ ዋጋ እንዳኸፈልካ ምቕጻል እምበር፡ ሓድሽ ሜዳ ቃልሲ ምቕያር ኣይኮነን። እቲ ዝሃደምካሉ ምዕባለ ኣብቲ ዝተዓቖብካሉ ወይ ከም ሓድሽ ዝፈጠርካዮ መድረኽ’ውን ክጸንሓካ ስለ ዝኽእል እሞ ኣብ ህድማ ክትነብር ስለ ዘጸግም።
29 ሕዳር 201
Eritreans Stand Tall with the Commission of Inquiry (COI)
Wednesday, 19 November 2014 05:46 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
There is a light at the end of the tunnel. Eritrean people are on the path to defeating the wrong; they are on the way to achieving justice. Yes, because of the relentless fight by many brave Eritreans in the corridors of the UN and other international venues, finally the international community heard our voices and concerns, and this time they heard us right. In June of this year, the United Nations Human Rights Council established a Commission of Inquiry (COI) on Eritrea to investigate the crimes being committed against Eritrean citizens by the PFDJ regime, pursuant to or as established in the “Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court.” The “Rome Statue” is a treaty that established the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has the power to indict and convict groups/individuals/head of states believed to have committed crimes against humanity. Eritrea is a signatory to the Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court.
For the justice loving Eritrean people, the establishment of the COI is one step in our struggle towards establishing constitutional system, which among other things will enshrine both the protection and respect of human rights of Eritrean citizens in post PFDJ Eritrea. Not only is it a positive development in the struggle against the PFDJ regime, but also it opens a new front that would enable Eritrean Diaspora opposition to garner international support.
Without delving into the legal aspect of the COI, it should be realized that this investigation of crime against humanity is not an easy endeavor. But first is first: we must expose the human rights violation denialists of the PFDJ, with their continued deception and double talk, and the rest of their conspiracy theorists who believe human rights violations and abuses in Eritrea are simply western ploys to undermine Eritrea or to effect regime change in Eritrea. These are the PFDJ elites who have utterly failed on their intellectual and moral duty to defend the truth; intellectuals who failed to serve their own people with honesty and fidelity. And we know these PFDJ enablers will continue to sabotage any and all efforts that they think will bring justice and democracy to Eritrea. And this is the greatest crimes they are committing on their own citizens. Therefore, this is one front we must challenge during the investigation of the COI.
Second, it is clear that the formation of the COI is a big blow to the body politics of the PFDJ regime. And the opposition must capitalize on it, and that it should view the COI as a boost that will potentially help Eritrean people in their struggle to uproot dictatorship on one hand and an opportunity for the opposition to recast itself in the eyes of the Eritrean people on the other. One might even say we are halfway through to put the rope around the neck of the dictator and his cohorts, but this only becomes reality if we work more effectively and jointly than ever, and meticulously chart out a strategy on how to assist the COI.
Third, believing in its usual political ploy, which is making and remaking of falsehoods, PFDJwill continue to raise the national security, foreign enemies...etc in an effort to thwart the work of the COI even though we know the core problem of the country lies with the dictator. In the Diaspora, it will instruct its rogue elites to campaign and attack the COI as a threat to Eritrea. Inside the country, we will see PFDJ’s TV station and networks feeding a carefully crafted lies to the public about the COI. The aim is simply to cement a message that PFDJ believes resonates with the Eritrean people, and that is to show that the COI is against Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence, which we know is false. But the PFDJ will push on twisting facts in order to survive. Not only is PFDJ going to distort facts and plunge itself in its usual gross misrepresentation, but also it will brand all its victims as well as those who witnessed its crimes as criminals and money-grubbing souls in order to shift the debate, muzzle the innocent, and in the process stifle the work of the COI. But time is different now because the center of gravity in Eritrea is shifting to the opposition. PFDJ may not see it but the legitimacy once it had commanded is on the path of extinction.
EPDP strongly values the weight and contribution of the COI. But in the end, it is up to the opposition to make the job of the COI successful. Hence, our primary function must be to encourage victims and witnesses to come forward and testify in front of the COI. All said, however, the opposition must recognize the fear of victims and the possible reprisal against their family members back home by the PFDJ as a result of their testimony. This is the main element that the opposition in general and those Eritreans working closely with the COI in particular should address. Nevertheless, we must push that the victims have the duty to testify because it was during exercising their rights and their freedoms as citizens that they became victims of injustice like hundreds and thousands of Eritreans, and that they were imprisoned and tortured, and that they were forced to leave their country. For them, testifying would be the most historic national duty they have ever done to the country of 5 million people who are dying under the yoke of an absolute tyranny. Not testifying is not an option. The victims and witnesses know more than anybody else that Issais is not only a dictator, but a mad man and he needs to be stopped before he turns Eritrea into an uninhabitable and barren land. Again the point is that, the opposition must tighten its belt in assisting the COI. Meaning now is the time to act, and that we in the opposition must bear the onus of demonstrating the knowledge and responsibility of networking and assisting the COI in its tasks for which it is mandated to carry out – holding Issais regime accountable on the crimes it committed against the Eritrean people – that is crime against humanity. This is not the time to duck our heads.
Burkina Faso: Some Dub it the Beginning of African Uprising
Friday, 07 November 2014 23:57 Written by EPDP Editorial
EPDP Editorial
After 27 years of dictatorship and brutality, the dictator of Burkina Faso, Blaise Campaore who came to power through coup d’état in 1987, fled in disgrace to the neighboring country of Ivory Coast on October 31 following massive protests and unrests that went to the extent of storming and burning his Party’s Headquarters and other government buildings in the capital city of Ouagadougou. The popular uprising was set off by Blaise’s attempt to amend the two term limit provision stipulated in the country’s constitution in order to prolong his reign, which is unconstitutional. But nothing is new here; when things do not go in their favor, it is a common practice for many African authoritarian leaders to repeal term limit, amend it, or come up with a new one in order to stay in power for life.
Yet, for the people of Burkina Faso, the term limit was only a catalyst in the ouster of president Blaise from power; the protest was against the three decades of absolute rule of president Blaise that brought poverty and inequality, political repression, as well as deprivation of fundamental social and political rights. Again, tens of thousands protesters showed up in the streets of Ouagadougou, and the popular rage instantaneously reached a level of no return and forced Campaore to flee the country. They chanted liberty; they chanted justice; they demanded constitutional democracy; they told their leaders to stop manipulating their country’s constitution.
Yes, the people of Burkina Faso won; their revolution toppled the one-man dictatorial rule that lasted for 27 years in just few days. Yes, the downfall of president Blaise also brought thrills and new hopes in Burkina Faso. However, despite the excitement and enthusiasm, what we are witnessing in Burkina Faso is not uniquely different from the recent uprisings that brought dictatorships down, and ended up facing power vacuum, political crisis, and instability, especially in African countries - because of the absence of an organized opposition that can pave the way for democratic transition through adopting a constitutional democracy. True, the Burkina Faso’s army, using such a political vacuum and opportunity, and on the pretext of order and stability of the country, it moved in and seized power by dissolving the General Assembly and suspending the constitution. And it declared it formed a transitional government led by one of its own, Lt. Col Isaac Zida, even though the constitution of Burkina Faso states that “the president of the Senate should take over after the national president resigns and an election should take place between 60 and 90 days afterwards.”
In the midst of all this, the African Union and UN are warning of an imminent sanction against the military - an attempt to force the army to form a civilian transition body until elections are held in the country. But these are all toothless threats. It didn’t work in Egypt and in many other countries that recently toppled dictatorial regimes. The brute fact is majority of African leaders are throwing in such a threat of sanction (a provision adopted by African Union few years ago) not out of commitment to democracy and freedom, but out of fear of similar changes and popular uprising that may happen in their own countries.
History has repeatedly shown that African opposition forces are either weak, operate along ethnic and tribal fault lines, easily forced into submission by the army, or cooperate with the military for self enriching, a fundamental reason why popular uprising is always at risk of being hijacked in Africa by self-serving groups, mainly the military establishment and extremists. This is an area where African opposition forces in general and Eritrea’s oppositions in particular need to address at the level of building institutions from bottom up, empowering citizens, and creating a cohesive and united leadership.
Nevertheless, the people of Burkina Faso are holding their ground for now by rejecting the army’s takeover of power. They are aggressively demanding the army to give power and return to its barracks. Time will tell if the opposition forces of Burkina Faso will continue to galvanize the people against the army’s illegal seizure of power by forging unity among various forces under the banner of one message and one cause – an uprising for establishing constitutional democracy. Only then can we dub it an African uprising.
For Eritreans, the lesson from the uprising of Burkina Faso is this: popular uprisings are unpredictable; they are quick and unstoppable like a powerful tsunami given an opportune circumstance. And they can bring down the most powerful dictator in a matter of days. It is also true that in the wake of popular uprising, chaos, instability, and power vacuum is possible. In our country resistance is simmering against the PFDJ regime. And this resistance will explode in the form of popular uprising; it is a matter of time. The question is where are we? And are we doing enough to prevent power vacuum when the day comes to our country. EPDP knows one thing, and that is disorganized and fragmented popular uprising is more dangerous than anything else for our country.
The Call is We Are not Going to Take it Anymore!
Thursday, 30 October 2014 09:05 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
We are not going to take it anymore is the imperative of the letter written by the clergy of the Union of the Eritrean Orthodox Church monasteries last week. It is timely and one could see the ripple effect of the “Where is Your Brother” document authored by our Catholic Church pastors few months back, all a sign of an impending demise of the lawless regime and its anti democratic apparatus. Nothing seems to fall through the cracks this time provided the opposition capitalize on it prudently and strategically.
The long and disastrous road that the PFDJ took the country for the last two decades is being challenged by the people that have an ecclesiastic power on moral, cultural, and social authority in our society. Their action is not an intervention or calling for excommunication of the notorious personalities who have been running the Orthodox Church per se; it is a declaration that calls for the church to reclaim its authority, that religious faith in Eritrea is not the domain of the PFDJ regime, that the PFDJ should stop its endless violations of religious freedom, and that the PFDJ must cease using its anti democratic practices to command and cater religion and its institutions to prolong its repressive regime in Eritrea.
Call it a radical revolution if you will, but these foremost spiritual leaders have introduced a new dynamic that adds a positive weight to the ongoing revolt against the PFDJ regime. Implicitly, we are witnessing Eritrean spiritual leaders rebelling against the legitimacy of the PFDJ regime for the sake of their peoples’ welfare and faith. Simply put it, our spiritual leaders are saying you cannot have a healthy society without having a religious freedom. Yes, the context of the message is not an obscured one, nor is it limited to religious freedom only; largely, it is a protest and condemnation against the PFDJ’s domination that poses a perpetual threat to all Eritrea’s religious faiths, which are essential to nourishing social, traditional, cultural cohesion, and solidarity amongst our society.
As we know the principle that religion should be free and independent of any politics or government has been hollowed out and nullified by the PFDJ regime for the last two decades. The devolution of church authority, order, and all forms of religious power has been seized by the PFDJ regime through its puppet political elites in order to perpetuate its power. Not only that, but also the PFDJ has used and continues to use national security and foreign enemies as a pretext for stripping the right of religious practices and freedoms in Eritrea.
More importantly, the underlying message is deeper and wider that targets the PFDJ’s state of monopolization and total control of the country and its people’s life: the message is about how the PFDJ regime is obliterating our religious faith, mores, and communal culture and virtues, which is the hallmark of cohesion, strength, and perseverance of Eritrean society; how it is stamping out dissent and voices of reason; how it created hundreds of detention centers where Eritrean citizens are languishing every day; how it enforces conformity, fear, brutality, and physical repression; how it created a culture of organized corruption to divert the focus and resolve of Eritrean people from asserting their rights and empowering themselves, in essence a tool PFDJ uses to prevent a critical mass from rising against its power and misrule.
PFDJ is fundamentally a lethal force because in order to survive it has to continually eliminate everything it considers a threat to its power. PFDJ wants a society subservient to its political order, and it must use all forms violent measures to keep Eritrean people under its control. But after two decades, the coercion and intimidation of PFDJ is falling apart. There is a perfect storm of discontent and unrest in the country. With no exaggeration, PFDJ is losing all the means and tools it once used to own. The people with the most religious and moral authority in Eritrea are speaking the truth in ways never seen before, and Eritrean people are listening.
But history also shows even as the public discontent and opposition against dictators grows, so does the repression and brutality. Hence, PFDJ regime will continue to increase its state of terror and onslaught on Eritrean citizens as long as it can afford. Our job is “to cut the umbilical cord”, as the saying goes, meaning we must intensify our struggle against the PFDJ regime in a manner that goes beyond a mere talk of strategies and road maps, measures attuned to action taking.
In conclusion, for the first time we are seeing the readiness and willingness of Eritrean people to face the evil regime in our country. EPDP sees the opposition inside Eritrea is heading to become a critical mass, a sign that the respect for PFDJ power and legitimacy is falling apart. Yet, EPDP strongly believes that without a real political structure and leadership, all the ongoing mobilization against the PFDJ may not materialize much. EPDP also understands that PFDJ is broken, but dangerous in terms of producing violence and chaos when it falls. Therefore, the opposition inside and outside Eritrea must take concrete measures with the understanding that the struggle against the PFDJ regime will be successful not out of unorganized opposition (which is the case now), but out of a vision that is collective, strong, and democratic that produces substantive and meaningful transformation in the lives of our people in post PFDJ Eritrea. Inside Eritrea the support and power is on the side of the opposition as is evident in the letter of the union of the Eritrean Orthodox Church monasteries and in the “where is your brother” document, including the January 2013 operation Forto. The Diaspora opposition needs to match it by a similar measures and actions by moving from the current paralysis and cynicism to a broad-based political organization essential to developing a formidable and organized force against the PFDJ repressive system.
Lampedusa: The Site of PFDJ Injustice and Dictatorship
Monday, 20 October 2014 13:07 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
October 3, 2014 marked one year of the loss of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa. Diaspora Eritreans held memorial on the loss with profound grief and mourning. They lit vigil candles, conducted prayers, and placed grief flowers on the area where the 368 Eritreans drowned. Others who couldn’t travel to Lampedusa remembered the loss in their respective countries and regions with the same zeal of love and respect, the way we Eritreans treat and honor our dead whether it is back home or in the Diaspora. The memorial was also notably public: it was attended by many European government officials, Eritrean humanitarian rights advocates, EPDP, including the representative of his Holiness Pope Francis of the Roman Catholic Church who addressed Eritreans on the tragedy, giving his consolation to the grieving families and close relatives and friends.
The memorial was a somber expression on Eritrea’s picture in general, and on the larger social, political, and economic dictatorship that is gripping the country and its people under the PFDJ regime in particular. In a point, what the Lampedusa memorial reminds us is that the unending death of hundreds of Eritrean youth, women, and children in high seas and in the Sinai desert stems from the total absence of fundamental freedom and justice in our country being caused by the PFDJ regime whose policies are designed to cause the maximum affliction possible on our people to the degree of annihilating the entire population like an uncontrollable plague.
Whether those who died in the island of Lampedusa or in other places, we must hold them as victims of the PFDJ dictatorship and injustice: they were jailed, tortured, harassed, and persecuted before they left their country - because they opposed the PFDJ’s tyrannical political order and demanded justice and rule of law in their country, like the thousands of our citizens who are either languishing in the PFDJ dungeons or already gave their lives for freedom and change. Hence, their sacrifice for justice and freedom is a national hallmark, meaning resistance and refusal to be governed by a repressive state.
Among other things, we must continue to challenge the narrative and depiction of the PFDJ that those hundreds of Eritreans fleeing their country and dying all over the world are victims of foreign forces who work to undermine Eritrea’s independence and sovereignty. Although the facts we know is that there is no entity other than the PFDJ regime so determined to subvert and undermine Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence, and its national unity, simply in pursuit of its ruthless power and tyranny in our country. If we do not tackle such a false narrative of PFDJ, it would continue to create a false sense of insecurity and fear among Eritrean citizens rather than fuelling a collective opposition against the PFDJ.
EPDP strongly believes that the memorial of Lampedusa victims should not be about wailing and weeping, or outcry over their death as the tragedy stems from the dictatorial system we have in our country. Although it is our revered tradition and culture to honor and remember them, we should not view them as tragic victims as this will disenable us from focusing and addressing the root cause facing our country and our people, removing the PFDJ tyranny, which is solely responsible for the plight of the entire country by producing an endless state sanctioned violence, terror, and fear that is paralyzing the lives and future of Eritrean people.
The point is the Lampedusa memorial should be seen as a political one, i.e. as a fight for the principles of freedom and democracy for which successive Eritrean generations paid enormous treasures, bled, and died for it for over half a century. It should be a memorial as a reminder of the total absence of fundamental human rights and the perpetual misery in Eritrea, which resulted and continues to result not only in the death of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa on October 2013, which we are observing, but also a tribute for all those who died in Sudan, Ethiopia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, as well as those who perished in places of no man’s land at the hands of gangs and human traffickers and never gotten the proper burial as the areas they died are beyond the reach of governments or human rights organizations.
Last, the memorial observance of Lampedusa must translate into action. As we pay tribute to those who perished in the island of Lampedusa and in other places, we must look to what is happening in our country and what should we do as an opposition. The country is paying a high price. The tyranny being perpetuated by the PFDJ regime is fundamentally shredding the social fabric of our society, our values, our morals, our ideas, our cultures, our politics, and atomizing the public good so as to perpetuate its corrupted political power. And this is a moment in which we must change the dynamics essential to developing a broad-based political opposition that provides a real alternative to the PFDJ regime. But for this to happen, it is crucial that the opposition develops a strategy that captures the aspiration and dreams of the Eritrean public so that Eritrean people can invest in the struggle against the PFDJ regime. So, Lampedusa memorial must used to remind us our patriotism, our pride, and our historical resolve as Eritreans. Lampedusa victims and others died for us; they died for the sake of justice and we must not settle for anything short of launching a radical transformative struggle that should establish a democratic Eritrea by establishing a collective struggle and strong opposition leadership that is capable of destroying and shattering the power of PFDJ that is currently wielded by Issaias and his elite. This is the time for Eritrean forces opposed to the PFDJ regime to face the tough road ahead; it is-make-it-or-break-it time. Again, we can either roll our sleeve and crush the wall of PFDJ tyranny, or fold our cards and give up. And the latter is not an option.
Lampedusa: The Site of PFDJ Injustice and Dictatorship
Monday, 20 October 2014 12:08 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
October 3, 2014 marked one year of the loss of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa. Diaspora Eritreans held memorial on the loss with profound grief and mourning. They lit vigil candles, conducted prayers, and placed grief flowers on the area where the 368 Eritreans drowned. Others who couldn’t travel to Lampedusa remembered the loss in their respective countries and regions with the same zeal of love and respect, the way we Eritreans treat and honor our dead whether it is back home or in the Diaspora. The memorial was also notably public: it was attended by many European government officials, Eritrean humanitarian rights advocates, EPDP, including the representative of his Holiness Pope Francis of the Roman Catholic Church who addressed Eritreans on the tragedy, giving his consolation to the grieving families and close relatives and friends.
The memorial was a somber expression on Eritrea’s picture in general, and on the larger social, political, and economic dictatorship that is gripping the country and its people under the PFDJ regime in particular. In a point, what the Lampedusa memorial reminds us is that the unending death of hundreds of Eritrean youth, women, and children in high seas and in the Sinai desert stems from the total absence of fundamental freedom and justice in our country being caused by the PFDJ regime whose policies are designed to cause the maximum affliction possible on our people to the degree of annihilating the entire population like an uncontrollable plague.
Whether those who died in the island of Lampedusa or in other places, we must hold them as victims of the PFDJ dictatorship and injustice: they were jailed, tortured, harassed, and persecuted before they left their country - because they opposed the PFDJ’s tyrannical political order and demanded justice and rule of law in their country, like the thousands of our citizens who are either languishing in the PFDJ dungeons or already gave their lives for freedom and change. Hence, their sacrifice for justice and freedom is a national hallmark, meaning resistance and refusal to be governed by a repressive state.
Among other things, we must continue to challenge the narrative and depiction of the PFDJ that those hundreds of Eritreans fleeing their country and dying all over the world are victims of foreign forces who work to undermine Eritrea’s independence and sovereignty. Although the facts we know is that there is no entity other than the PFDJ regime so determined to subvert and undermine Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence, and its national unity, simply in pursuit of its ruthless power and tyranny in our country. If we do not tackle such a false narrative of PFDJ, it would continue to create a false sense of insecurity and fear among Eritrean citizens rather than fuelling a collective opposition against the PFDJ.
EPDP strongly believes that the memorial of Lampedusa victims should not be about wailing and weeping, or outcry over their death as the tragedy stems from the dictatorial system we have in our country. Although it is our revered tradition and culture to honor and remember them, we should not view them as tragic victims as this will disenable us from focusing and addressing the root cause facing our country and our people, removing the PFDJ tyranny, which is solely responsible for the plight of the entire country by producing an endless state sanctioned violence, terror, and fear that is paralyzing the lives and future of Eritrean people.
The point is the Lampedusa memorial should be seen as a political one, i.e. as a fight for the principles of freedom and democracy for which successive Eritrean generations paid enormous treasures, bled, and died for it for over half a century. It should be a memorial as a reminder of the total absence of fundamental human rights and the perpetual misery in Eritrea, which resulted and continues to result not only in the death of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa on October 2013, which we are observing, but also a tribute for all those who died in Sudan, Ethiopia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, as well as those who perished in places of no man’s land at the hands of gangs and human traffickers and never gotten the proper burial as the areas they died are beyond the reach of governments or human rights organizations.
Last, the memorial observance of Lampedusa must translate into action. As we pay tribute to those who perished in the island of Lampedusa and in other places, we must look to what is happening in our country and what should we do as an opposition. The country is paying a high price. The tyranny being perpetuated by the PFDJ regime is fundamentally shredding the social fabric of our society, our values, our morals, our ideas, our cultures, our politics, and atomizing the public good so as to perpetuate its corrupted political power. And this is a moment in which we must change the dynamics essential to developing a broad-based political opposition that provides a real alternative to the PFDJ regime. But for this to happen, it is crucial that the opposition develops a strategy that captures the aspiration and dreams of the Eritrean public so that Eritrean people can invest in the struggle against the PFDJ regime. So, Lampedusa memorial must be used to remind us our patriotism, our pride, and our historical resolve as Eritreans. Lampedusa victims and others died for us; they died for the sake of justice and we must not settle for anything short of launching a radical transformative struggle that should establish a democratic Eritrea by establishing a collective struggle and strong opposition leadership that is capable of destroying and shattering the power of PFDJ that is currently wielded by Issaias and his elite. This is the time for Eritrean forces opposed to the PFDJ regime to face the tough road ahead; it is-make-it-or-break-it time. Again, we can either roll our sleeve and crush the wall of PFDJ tyranny, or fold our cards and give up. And the latter is not an option.
