ሎሚ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብቲ ዝሓለፈ ታሪኽ ብዙሕ ክመሃር ስለዝኽእል ብምንም ዓይነት ክደናገር ኣይኮነን። ይኹን እምበር ‘’ታሪኽ ነፍሱ ይደግም’’ እዩ ከምዝበሃል፥ እቲ ፈላላዪ መድረኽ ብሓያላት መንግስታት ዝተጠጅኤ ውዲት ናይ ሓምሳታት መልክዑ ቀይሩ ክመጽእ ይኽእል እዩ። ይኽእል እዩ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ ብዓይንና ንርእዮን ብእዝንና ንሰምዖን ዘሎና ህያው ምስክር እዩ። ድሕሪ ደጊም ካብቲ ኩሉ መከራን ሽግርን ወጺእና ተመሊስና ኣብ ጭቃ ምንግርጋር ከይኮነና ድማ ክንጥንቀቐሉን ክነስተውዕለሉን ይግበኣና።
ቅድሚ ኣርባዓታትን ድሕሪኡን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ምእንቲ ሃገሩ ክብል ሓያል ቃልሲ ኣካዪዱ እዩ። ካብዚ ዝነቐለ ድማ ብ1941 ፈረንጂ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ተወዲቡ ክቃለስ ኢሉ ማሕበር ፍቕሪ ሃገር ክምስርት ከሎ፡ መንግስቲ እንግሊዝ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ዝምድና ብምድልዳል፥ ኤርትራ ነፍሳ ክኢላ ክትነብር ዘይትኽእል ድኻ ሃገር ኢያ እናበለ መናፍሑ ይዝርግሕ ነበረ። ነዚ ንምርጓድ ከኣ ምስቶም ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝቕመጡ ዝነበሩ ጣልያን ብምትሕብባር ነቲ ናይ ‘’በቨን ስፎሮዛ’’ መደብ ምምቃል ኤርትራ ዝብል ማለት፡ ሓደ ክፋል ንሱዳን እቲ ዝተረፈ ከኣ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ክሓብር ዝብል ነበረ። ዋላ እኳ እዚ መደብ እዚ ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተነጽገ እንተነበረ፥ ነቲ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ፋብሪካታት ይኹን ካልእ ኩባንያታት ዝሽየጥ ሸይጡ ዝዕጾ ዓጽዩ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሃገሩ ኣስተርሕዩ ቀሲኑ ከይነብርን፥ ንሃገሩ ከየማዕብልን ከየበልጽግን ዝገበሮ ስውር ሸርሒ፡ ህዝቢ ሃገሩ ገዲፉ ንኢትዮጵያ ክጎዓዝ ልክዕ ከምዚ ሎሚ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሃገሩ ሰላምን ቅሳነትን ስኢኑ ዝስደዶ ዘሎ ንኽስደድ ተገደደ።
ሽዑ ንኢትዮጵያ ዝመርሕ ዝነበረ መንግስቲ ከኣ ብወገኑ በቶም መገባርያታቱ ኣቢሉ ነቲ ማሕበር ፍቕሪ ሃገር ብሃይማኖትን ብዓሌትን መስመር ንክመቓቕሎ እጽዕር ነበረ ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ተዓዊትሉ። ኣብዚ እቲ ብኽልቲኡ ሸነኽ ጸረ-መግዛእቲ ዝምክት ሓይሊ ዘጓንፎ ዝነበረ ወጥሪ ቀሊል ከምዘይነበረ ክንርዳእ ንኽእል፡
ገዛእቲ እምበኣር፡ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክመቓቕልዎ ከለዉ ዝፈጸምዎ ተግባራት፡ ነቲ ዝወጠንዎ ሽርሕታት ብዘይ ገለ ዕንቅፋት ንኽሳለጥ ዝገብርዎ ሜላ እዩ። በዚ ዝኣክል እቲ ኩሉ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ዝተኻየደ ቃልሲ ኣማስያኡስ ብዓወት ውጥን ናይ ሓያላን መንግስታት ብምዕዋቱ፥ ኤርትራ ብዘይድሌት ህዝቢ ብፈደረሽን ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ክትቁረን ተገብረ። እቲ ዉዕል እቲ ከኣ ቅኑዕ ከምዘይነበረ ዘመልክት ብ11 ታሕሳስ 1948 ጀምስ ፎረስታል ናይ ኣመሪካ ምክልኻል ሚኒስትሪ፥ ንዲን ኣክሶን ናይ ኣመሪካ ዋና ጸሓፊ ዝነበረ ዝለኣኾ መልእኽቲ ጽቡቕ ገይሩ ይገልጾ። ካብ ጉጉል ዝተረኽበ መረጋገጺ ከምዝሕብሮ፡ ከኣ ‘’ እቲ 390A(V) ፈደራላዊ ዉዕል ብኹሉ ሸነኹ ክረአ እንከሎ ንመሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዝጠሓሰን ኣብ ግብሪ ዘይውዕልን ቅጥዒ እዩ።’’
ምስ እዚ ኹሉ ሽግራት ግና ኣብ 1949 ፈረንጂ ዳርጋ ልዕሊ ትሽዓተ ዝኾና ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታት ኤርትራ ክምስረታ ክኢለን። ሓንቲ ጥራሕ ካብዘን ትሽዓት ሰልፍታት ‘’ማሕበር ኣንድነት’ ምሉእ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ገንዘባዊ ምውላን ደገፍን ዝነበራ፥ ሕብረት ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝብል ትደፍእ ነበረት። እቲ ምወላን ደገፍን ዲዩ ዋላ ካልእ ምኽንያት ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ንምሕባር ትደፍእ ምንባራ መጽናዕቲ ዘድልዮ እዩ። መስመር ዝተሓንጸጸ ናይዚ ጸሓፋይ ርእይቶ እዩ። እተን ዝተረፋ ሰልፍታት ግና በቲ ይኹን በዚ ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝቃለሳ ዝነበራን፡ በዚ መሰረት ከኣ ኣቶ ኢብራሂም ሱልጣን ዝመራሒኣ ናይ ኤርትራ ቀጽሪ ናጽነት ወይ ከኣ ብሎኮ ኢንዲፐንደንሳ መስሪተን። ምንጪ ጉጉል። እዘን ሰልፍታት ብቁጽሪ ክንርኤን ከሎና እቲ ዝበዝሐ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እስላማዩ ክርስትያኑ ብ8 ሰልፍታት ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝብላ ክውከል ከሎ፥ እቲ ዝወሓደ ከኣ ብሓደ ሰልፊ ንሕብረት ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝውክል እዩ ነይሩ።
ይኹን እምበር መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ዝሓዘት ሒዛ ኩሉ ዝጭበጥ ምስ ጨበጠት፥ ኣብ 1957 ብዓረብኛን ትግርኛን ዝነበረ መጻሕፍቲ ብምሉኡ ኣንደደት ድሒራ እውን ባንደራ ኣውረደት። ንኤርትራውያን ምስ ገዛዘዐት ከኣ ክተሽካዕልል ጀመረት። ነዚ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ናይ ዘውደ ረታ ‘’የኤርትራ ጉዳይ’ 1941-1963 ኢሉ ዝጸሓፎ መጽሓፍ ኣብ ገጽ 366 ዘሎ ከምዚ ይብል፥ ’’ኣብቲ እዋን ናይ ኤርትራ ባይቶ ምስ ተመስረተ ኣብ ዕለት 11 መስከረም 1952 ዝተገብረ ጽምብል ተረኺቦም ካብ ዝነበሩ መኳንንቲ ሓደ፡ ነቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረ ጸሓፊ ትእዛዝ ወልደግርጊስ ጽግዕ ኢሉ ከምዚ ክብል ተዛረቦ። ‘’ከሚገባ በላይ ትግሬ ሲያቀብጡት የበለጠ ኣሸሹት’’ ትርጉሙ፦ ንትግራዋይ ምቅብጣር ማለትሲ ኣጸቢቑ ከምዝሃድም ምግባር እዩ እሞ፡ ንሓደ ሓማሰናይ ክንድዚ ዝኣክል ላዕልን ታሕትን ምባልሲ ኣይበዝሐንዶ’’ ኢሉ ገለጸሉ። እቲ ሓማሰናይ ምባሉ ድሮ ኢትዮጵያ ንተስፋሃንስ በርሀን ንተላ ዑቕቢትን ንሰለስቲኣቶም ከምዘይሰማምዑ ስለዝገበረቶም እያ ፈልዩ እዚ ሓምሰነታይ ዝበለ እምበር ከምታ ዝጀመራ ትግራዋይ ምባል ምቐለለ ነይሩ። መስመር ናይዚ ጸሓፈይ ርእይቶ እዩ። እቲ ዝኸፍአ ከኣ እቲ ጸሓፊ ትእዛዝ ዝሃቦ መልሲ እዩ፥ ንሱ ትቕብል ኣቢሉ፡ ከምዚ ክብል መለሰ፥’’ ናትና ገዛ እኳ እንተፈቲና ክንስከም እንተጸሊእና ድማ ክነውርድ ብዝግባእ ስለእንፈልጥ ናይ ሎሚ ኣይከብደና ናይ ጽባሕ ከኣ ኣየጨንቐና።’’
ኣብቲ እዋን እቲ ዝነበረ ሽግር ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ነቲ እከይ ውጥን ናይ ኤርትራ ምክፍፋል ከምዘፍሸሎ ታሪኽ ይነግረና። ይኹን እምበር ምስቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረ ፖለቲካዊ ሃዋህው ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝሓቁፍ ሰልፊ ብዘይምፍጣሩ ምጥርጣራት ክፈጥር ክኢሉ እዩ። ከምዚ ኢሉ እንከሎ እውን እቲ ፈደረሽን በብቑሩብ እናተሸርመመ ኣብ ዝኸደሉ እዋን ዝተኻየደ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልስን ዝተጀመረ ብረታዊ ሰውራን ግን ንሓቀኛ ናጽነት ከምዝተላዕለ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። ዋላ እኳ ኣብ ውሽጡ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተሓቛቚፉን ዘየተሓቛቚፉን ባእታት እንተነበሩ። ይኹን እምበር፥ ነቲ ኩሉ ጅግንነትን ሃገራዊ ሓርብኝነትን ተወፋይነትን ዝተኽፍለ መስዋእትን መደምሰሲ ክንጥቀመሉ ግን ፈጺሙ ዘይግባእ እዩ።
ኣብ ኣርበዓታት ዝተኻየደ ቃልሲ ማለት፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ነንሓድሕዱ ክጠራጥርን ምትእምማን ክስእንን ዘይተገብረ ኣይነበረን፥ ክሳብ ምቅንጻላት ዝተኻየደሉ ግዜ እውን ነይሩ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓቢሩን ተሳንዩን ንኸይቃለስ ዝተፋሕሰ ፍሕሶ ካሳብ ሎሚ እውን ብቐጻሊ ይፈሓስ ምህላው ካብ ዝሓለፈ ክንመሃር ዘይምኻኣልናን ክነስተብህል ዘይምድላይናን ዘምጸኦ ሽግር ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። ሎሚ እውን ኣብ ግዜና ነቲ ዝተስርሐ ጅግንነትን ታሪኽን ዝኽሕድን ዘነኣእስን ሓይሊ ንርእን ንሰምዕን ኣሎና።፡ ንሕና ነዚ ክቡር ናጽነት ክውን ገይሮም ንዝሓለፋ ስም መስዋእትነት ጀጋኑና ዘቈናጽብን፥ ታሪኾም ዝድምስስን ሓይሊ ክቀላቐል ከሎ ኣብ ምንታይ ክበጽሕ ደልዩ ኮን ይኸውን ኢሉ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ክመራመር ዝግበኦ ክንሱ፡ ካብ በሃሊኡስ ደጋሚኡ ከም ዝበሃል ንታሪኽ ኣቦታቱን ኣደታቱን ከይተረደኦ ይኹን ተረዲኣዎ ከናሹን ክዘልፍን ይውዕልን ይሓድርን ኣሎ። እዚ ብመሰረቱ ኮነ ኢልካ ንሃገራውነትና ክንሓክኽ እሞ ንጉዳይ ሃገር ዕሽሽ ክንብል ዝግበር ዘሎ እዩ።
ኣብ ግዜ ኣርበዓታት እውን ነዚ ሃገራውነት ዝፈታተን ወስታታት እዩ ዘጓነፈ። ከምዚ ዝዓይነቱ ፖለቲካዊ ጸወታ እዚ ኣብ መበል 21 ክፍለዘመን ደው ክነብሎ ብዘይምኽኣልና፥ እነሆ ንጉዳይ ሃገርና፡ ብሓደ ኢድ ምስ ኩሉ ፍልልያትና ተጻዊርና ኣብ ጸረ-ምልክን መላኺ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን ኣብ ክንዲ ነውዕል፡ ኣብ ነንሓድሕድና ክንቆማሸድ ግዜ ዘሕለፍናዮ ንደጋዊ ሓይሊ ብቐሊሉ ነቓዕ ረኺቡ ክበታትነና ክምዝኽእል ክንግንዘብ ይግበኣና። ድሮ እውን እነሆ ካብቲ መግዛእቲ እንግሊዝ ኣብ ሓምሳታት ዘሳውሮ ዝነበረ ቅዳሕ እዚ ስርዓት እዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከልግሶ ብቕዓት የብሉን፥ እዚ ስርዓት እዚ ክለግስ ብዘይ ናይ ኢትይጵያ ኢድ ኣታውነት ፈጺሙ ኣይከኣልን ዝብላ ኣደናገርቲ ቃላት ካብ ኤርትራውያን ክትሰምዕ ብጣዕሚ ዘደንጹ እዩ። ቀደሙስ ታሪኽን ጅግንነትን ኣቦታትናን ኣደታትናን ዘቈናጽብን ዘናእስን ንሃገራዊ መንነትናን ሓርበኝነትናን ካብ ኣእምሮና ክፈሓቚ እሞ ነዛ ሃገር ዝብጀወላ ክትስእን ዝግበር ዘሎ ሽርሒ ምዃኑ ኣብ ግምት ክነእትዎ የድሊ። ታሪኽካ ክድምሰስ ከሎ ምስኡ እውን እቲ ኣነ ንሃገረይ ዝብል ናይ ጅግንነት ካባ ዝቑርመም ምዃኑኸ ከመይ ንዝንግዖ? ደሓርከ ታሪኽካ ደምሲስካ እንታይ ዓይነት ታሪኽ እዩ ክምስረት።?
እቶም ኣብ ሓድነት ሃገር ዘይጸንዑ ሃገራዊ ስምዒትን ሃገራውነትን ኣዳኺሞም ነዚ ስርዓት እዚ ንምልጋስ ብቕዓትን ዓቕምን ክንስእን እሞ ደጋዊ ሓይሊ ጣልቃ ኣትዩ ከገላግለናን ብድሕሪኡ ንዝመጽእ መዘዝ ኣብ ትሕቲ ፍጹም ፈቓዱ ክንወድቕ ዝእለም ማእለማ ምዃኑ ክንርዳእ ይግበኣና። ንኢድ ምእታው ብቐጥታ ምስ ንዋታውን ገንዘባውን ሞራላውን ሓገዛት ኣተኣሳሲርካ ምግላጽ ንምድንጋር ኢሉ ዝቐርብ ክንጥንቀቐሉ ዝግባእ ሽርሒ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኣብ መንጎ እዘን ክልተ ነጥብጣታት ማለት ጣልቃ ኣእታውነትን ሓገዝን፡ ዘሎ ፍልልያት ስሒቶሞ ዘይኮኑስ እንታይ ደኣ ነቲ ሕቡእ ፍሕሶታት ኣብ ተግባር ዝውዕለሉ ክጠቕመና ዝኽእል መሳርሒ እዩ ኢሎም ስለዝኣመኑሉ ኢዮም። ኣብዚ ኣተኲርና ክነስተብህለሉ ዘሎና ጉዳይ እቲ ኣብ መንጎ ጣልቃ ኣታውነትን፥ ሓገዛትን ዘሎ ፍልልይ ኣዳቒቕና ምፍላጥ ዘድሊ ምዃኑ’ዩ።
1 ጥቅምቲ 2015
Eritrean migrant killed by freight train while attempting to enter Channel tunnel
Written by By Tomas Monzon
CALAIS, France, Sept. 30 (UPI) -- A migrant from Eritrea was killed by a freight train Wednesday at the Channel tunnel in Calais, France, as he attempted to make his way to Britain, law enforcement said.
Calais police said they found the man at about 1 a.m. local time. Eurotunnel, which owns the Channel tunnel, or Chunnel, said incident was "regrettable" and a representation of the dangers associated with trying to cross the Channel illegally.
The man's death marks the fourth such casualty at Calais in the past two weeks, and the second in a 24-hour period. On Tuesday, a 20-year old man from Iraq was found crushed by truck pallets there. The week prior, an African teenager was also hit by a freight train near the Channel tunnel entrance. Finally, a man believed to be Syrian was electrocuted near the tunnel entrance as he tried to climb atop a train.
Migrants in Calais have tried to stow away on ferries or trucks bound for Britain. At least 13 people have died in attempts to access to Channel tunnel since June.
Newly installed security fences around the nearby train tracks have stymied attempts to access the Channel tunnel entrance. A peak figure of 2,000 attempts each night to enter Britain through the tunnel has decreased to fewer than 150.
A Eurotunnel spokesman told SkyNews the continued attempts by migrants to cross illegally is "very, very sad" and that it puts "their lives at risk."
British Home Secretary Theresa May said France and Britain are willing to work together to deport these migrants back to where they came from, adding that the two countries have spent a significant amount on tunnel security.
ቃለ-መጠይቕ ምስ ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፡ ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ
Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰደህኤ
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ካብ 2012 ጀሚሩ ክሳብዚ ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ብዓወት ዝተዛዘመ ናይ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) 2ይ ጉባአ፡ ኣቦመንበር ባይቶን ፈጻሚ ሽመግለን ኮይኑ መሪሑ። ኣብዚ 2ይ ጉባአ ኣባል ባይቶ ኮይኑ ምስተመርጸ ድማ ሓድሽ ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ንብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ናይ ማእከላይ ባይቶን ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ኣቦመንበር ገይሩ መሪጽዎ። ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣብ ግዜ ሰውራዊ ባይቶን ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን እውን ኣብ ዝለዓለ ጽፍሒ ሓላፍነት ኮይኖም ሓድነት ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራ፡ ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓስን ተረጋጊጹ፡ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንኽምስረት ካብ ዝጸዓቱ ባእታታት ሓደ እዩ። መርበብ ሓበሬታ ሓርነት ኦርግ (harnnet.org) ነዚ ተመኩሮኡን መጻኢ ዕማማቱን ኣብ ግምት ብምእታው ብዛዕባ ሓያሎ ዛዕባታት ኣዛሪባቶ ኣላ።
ሰናይ ንባብ
ሓርነት፦ ኣብ'ዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ዝተኻየደ 2ይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ከመይ ዝኣመሰለ ኵነታት ኢዩ ተኻይዱ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ 2ይ ጕባኤ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ሰሜንን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ብውግእን ወረ ውግእን ጭቆናን ዘይምርግጋእን ኣብ ዝተሓመሰሉን ከም ውጽኢቱ ድማ ዋሕዚ ንስደት ሰማይ ኣብ ዝዓረገሉን፤
ኣውሮጳ ብብዝሒ ስደተኛታት ዝሕዝዎን ዝገድፍዎን ጠፊእዎም ሓንሳብ ንዶባትና ንዕጾ፣ ሓንሳብ ድማ፡ ነተን ስደተኛታት ዝምንጭውለን ዘለዋ ሃገራት ሓገዝ ብምሃብ ነቲ ዋሕዚ ነህድኣዮ፣ ኣብ ዝብልሉ፤
ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዘቖሞ ኮሚሽን ምርመራ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝፍጽሞም ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዝግለጽ 483 ገጻት ዝሓዘለ ጸብጻብ ኣብ ባይቶ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣብ ዘቕረበሉ፤
መንእሰያት ዝበዝሕዎ፥ በሽሓት ዝቝጸሩ ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ፡ ብሓደ ሸነኽ ንጸብጻብ ኮሚሽን ምርመራ ብምድጋፍ፣ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ፡ ንዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ንምዅናን ኣብ ጀነቫን ካልኦት ከተማታትን ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ኣብ ዘካየድሉ፤
ስርዓት ህግደፍ እናተሸምረረ፡ ደምበ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ድማ ብዓቐን እናሳዕረረን እናዓመረን ኣብ ዝኸደሉ፤
ንሓድነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፈታተኑ ተርእዯታት ኣብ ዝተባራኸተሉ፤ ናይ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕን ምርድዳእን ኣብ ዝበዀረሉ. . . እዋን ኢዩ ተኻይዱ።
ሓርነት፦ ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ ንኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ክውንነት ብኸመይ ኢዩ ገምጊምዎ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ገምጋም ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ ንኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ክውንነት ከም'ዚ ዝስዕብ ኢዩ ነይሩ።
1. ብመንጽር ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዝርከብ ኤርትራዊ ዘሕልፎ ዘሎ ሃለዋት
ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መዳይ፡- ኤርትራ፡ ብዘይቅዋም እትምሓደር፡ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ዘይብላን ናይ ሓጋጊ፡ ፈራድን ፈጻምን ስልጣን ኣብ ኢድ ሓደ ዲክታቶር ዝተማእከለላ፡ ምርጫን ፖለቲካዊ ውድድርን ዘይካየደላን ሃገር ምዃና። ካቢነ ሚንስተራት ዝብሃል ንስም እንተዘይኰይኑ ከም ትካል ህይወት ከምዘይብሉ። ኵነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኣዝዩ ሕማቕ ደረጃ ዝርከብ ምዃኑ። ናይ ምዝራብ፡ ምውዳብ፡ ምንቅስቓስ፡ እምነት፡ ምጽሓፍ፡ ...ወዘተ ዝኣመሰሉ መሰረታውያን መሰላት ደቂ ሰባት ብቐጻልነት ይግሃሱ ምህላዎም። ኤርትራ፡ ሰባት ብዘይ ክስን ብዘይ ፍርድን ዝእሰሩላ፡ ጋዜጠኛታት ዝህደኑላ፡ ድምጺ ሓደ ሰልፊ ጥራሕ ዝስምዓላ፤ ደረት ዘይብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ምዕጣቕ ብረት ንኣረጋውያንን ንናይ ህዝቢ ተስፋ ዘጸልመቱን፡ መንእሰያት ንስደት ከምርሑን ካብ ዝደረኹን ቀንዲ ምኽንያታት ምዃኖም ኢዩ ጕባኤ ገምጊሙ።
ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ መዳይ፦
ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ብዝተኸተሎ ኣብ ትዕቢትን ኵራን ዝተሰረተ ዲፕሎማሲ፡ ንኤርትራ ካብ ጐረባብታ፡ ዞና ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ዓለምን ከምእትንጸል ገይርዋ ኢዩ። ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ ብሰንኪ ንኣልሸባብ ዝህቦ ዝነበረ ደገፍ፡ ካብ ታሕሳስ 2009 ጀሚሩ ብሕቡራት ሃገራት ማዕቀብ ተነቢርሉ ከምዝጸንሐ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።
ካብ ቀረባ እዋን ጀሚሩ ግን፡ ስርዓት ኣስመራ፡ ፖሊሲታቱ ክቕይር ይርአ ኣሎ። ገለ ኣብነታት ንምጥቃስ፡ ወኪል ኤርትራ ናብ'ቲ ባዕሉ ዝተሓሰሞ ቤት ጽሕፈት ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ እንደገና ምምዛዙ፤ ኣብ የመን ንሆትይን ይድግፍ'ዩ ተባሂሉ ክሕመ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ፡ ናብ ስዑድያ ዑደት ብምክያድ፡ ኣብ ጐኒ'ቲ ኣንጻር ሆቲይን ቆይሙ ዘሎ ብስዑዲ ዓረብ ዝምራሕ ልፍንቲ ደው ምባሉ፤ ንሃገራት ምዕራብ ብፍላይ ከኣ ንሃገራት ኣውሮጳ፡ ነቲ ብዋሕዚ ብዝሒ ስደተኛታት ሓዲርወን ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ጸጥታዊ፡ ማሕበራውን ቍጠባውን ስግኣት ብምምዝማዝ፡ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ደረት ክገብረሉ ኢየ፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ከኽብር ኢየ፡ ቅዋም ክነድፍ ኢየ ብምባል ከደናግር ይፍትን ምህላዉ ኢዩ ጕባኤና መዚኑ።
ኣብ ቍጠባዊ መዳይ፦
ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ሕጽረት ነዳዲ፡ መግቢ፡ ማይ፡ ኣባይቲ፡ ሕክምና፡ ብሓጺሩ ሕጽረት ኵሉ ዓይነት ንምንባር ዘድሊ መሰረታዊ ነገራትን ሕጽረት ናይ ወጻኢ ባጤራን ክርአ ጸኒሑን ኣሎ። እቲ ዝርካቡ ሃለኽቲ ኣቝሑ ብኮንትራባንድ ኢዩ ዝኣቱ። እዚ ከኣ ኣዝዩ ክቡር፡ ምስ ዓቕሚ ህዝቢ ዘይከይድ’ዩ። እቲ ዝነብር ዘሎ ህዝቢ ኣብ ደገ ሰብ ዘለዎ ጥራይ ምዃኑ።
ናይ ህንጻ ኩባንያታት ኣለዋ። ግን ተዳኺመን ኢየን። ብዋሕዲ ናይ ስሚንቶ፡ ንዋትን ሰብን ይሳቐያ ኢየን። ኣብ’ዚ መዳይ’ዚ ዝዋፈሩ ኤርትራውያን ሰብ ርእሰማል፡ ናብ ደቡብ ሱዳን ኢዮም ዝኸዱ ዘለዉ። ዝህነጽ ነገር ከምዘየለ ኢና ርኢና፡
ናይ ሓመድ ጽርግያታት ዳርጋ ንብዙሕ ክፍሊታት ኤርትራ ዘራኽብ ተሰሪሑ’ዩ። ህዝብን ኣቝሑን ዝመሓላለፈሉ ግን ኣይኰነን። እቲ ነባር ጽርግያታት'ውን እንተዀነ፡ ከም'ቲ ቅድሚ ናጽነት ዝህቦ ዝነበረ ኣግልግሎታት ይህብ የለን። ስለዚ፡ ኵነታት ጽርግያታት ኤርትራ ከም'ቲ ካልእ ጽላታት ቁጠባ ሃገርና ኣብ ቀጻሊ ዕንወት ምንቍልቋልን ኢዩ ዝርከብ። እቶም ተሰሪሖም ተባሂሎም ብዙሕ ዝዝረበሎም ሓጽብታት ውን እንተዀኑ ኣብ ኣገልግሎት ህዝብና ኣይወዓሉን።
ኣብ ማሕበራዊ መዳይ፦
ንትምህርቲ ዝምልከት፡ እታ ሓንቲ ዝነበረት ዪኑቨርስቲ ተዓጽያ ብብቕዓት ዘይብሉ ኮለጃት ኢያ ተተኪኣ። ካብታ curriculum ዝኸለሱላ ዕለት ንድሓር ዘሎ ኩነታት ትምህርቲ ኣጸቢቑ ኣንቆልቍሉ ኣብ ዝኸፍአ ደረጃ ወሪዱ ይርከብ። ላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ትምህርቲ ኣብ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ታዕሊም ምክያዱ፡ ንስድራ ቤታት፡ ንትምህርትን ተመሃሮን ብኣሉታ ኢዩ ዝጸልዎም ዘሎ።
ኣገልግሎት ሕክምና ብማዕረ ትምህርቲ፡ ወዲቑ’ዩ። ልክዕዩ ኣብ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኩርናዕ ናይ ኤርትራ ኣገልግሎት ጥዕና ክህብ ተባሂሉ ዝተሃንጸ ኣዝዩ ብዙሕ ክሊኒክን ኣባይትን ኣሎ። ግን፡ ገዛ ብዘይ ሓካይምን መሳርሒ ሕክምናን ኢዩ። ኣብ ሆስፒታል ኬድካ ኣገልግሎት ምርካብ ቀሊል ኣይኰነን። እንተተረኺቡ ውን ብሰበይ ሰብካ ኢዩ ኰይኑ። እቶም ሰበስልጣን ከይተረፉ ኣብ ሱዳን ከይዶም ኢዮም ዝሕከሙ ዘለዉ።
ምብትታን ስድራ ቤታትን ዝኽትምናን ካብ ክትገልጾ ዝከኣል ንላዕሊ ዓሪጉ ይርከብ። ኣፍራዪ ዓቕሚ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ንስደት ኢዩ ዘምርሕ ዘሎ።
2. ብመንጽር ሃለዋት ደምበ ተቓውሞ፦
ደምበ ተቓውሞ ወይ ድማ ደምበ ደለዪቲ ፍትሒ፡ ብዓቐን ካብ ዕለት ናብ ዕለት እናወሰኸን እናበረኸን ኢዩ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ። ኣብ ተስዓታት ዝነበረ ሃለዋትን ሎሚ ዘሎን ከነነጻጽሮ ከለና ሰማይን ምድርን ኢዩ። ኣብ ተስዓታት ኣንጻር ስርዓት ኤርትራ ምዝራብ ከም ነውሪ ኢዩ ዝቝጸር ነይሩ። ተቓወምቲ ስርዓት ውን ውሑዳት ኢዮም ነይሮም። ደገፍቲ'ቲ ስርዓት ተባሂልዎም ጥራሕ ዘይኰነስ ብዕግበቶም መንግስትና እናበሉ ዝከላኸልሉ ኵነታት ኢዩ ሰፊኑ ነይሩ። ብሓጺሩ፥ ተቓወምቲ መሕለፊ መንገዲ ዝስእንሉ ኵነታት ኢዩ ነይሩ ክበሃል ይከኣል። ሳላ ብጽንዓት ዝተቓለሱ ግን፡ እቲ ኵነታት ተቐይሩ። ተቓውምቲ ዝስስንሉ ዘመን መጺኡ። እቲ ጸቢብ ዝነበረ መንገዲ ገፊሑ። ናይ'ቲ ስርዓት መራሕትን ኣባላትን ዝነበሩ ዜጋታት ሎሚ ተቓወምቲ ኰይኖም፡ ንደገ ንምውጻእ ዕድል ዝረኸበ ዲፕሎማሰኛ፡ ስፖርታዊ፡ ተመሃራይ፡ በብዝኸዶ ዑቝባ ይሓትት ኣሎ። ማእለያ ዘይብሎም ዜጋታት ሃገሮም ሲኦል ስለዝዀነቶም ንስደት የምርሑ ኣለዉ። ነቲ ስርዓት ዝቃወሙ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ካብ ዝተጋህዱ ምንቅስቓሳት፥ ኣድማ ተጋደልቲ ናይ 1993፡ ኣድማ ኣካለ ስንኩላን (1995)፡ ናይ እሱራት ዓዲ ኣበይቶ ኣበያታት፡ ናይ ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶን ጋዜጠኛታትን ፍትሓዊ ሕቶታትን ተቓውሞታን (2001) ናይ ወዲ ዓሊ ዝመርሖ ናይ ገለ ክፋል ናይ ሓይልታት ምክልኻል ምንቅስቓስ (2013) . . .ወዘተ ምጥቃስ ይከኣል ኢዩ። ከምኡ'ውን፥ ኤርትራውያን ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራት እናዓምበባን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምንቃሕን ኣብ ምቅላዕ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን ዓቢ ኣበርክቶ እናገበራን ይኸዳ ምህላወን ኢዩ ጕባኤ ገምጊሙ።
ደምበ ተቓውሞ ብዓቐን እኳ እናሰሰነ ይኺድ ደኣ'ምበር፡ ብሰንኪ ምፍንጫላትን ብሰንኪ ስእነት ስምምዕን ምርድዳእን ኣድማዒ ተራ ክጻወት ኣይከኣለን። ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ፥ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ዝደፍኦ ሓያል ተቓዋሚ ስለዝሰኣነ ኢዩ ዕምሪ ስልጣኑ ከናውሕ ክኢሉ ዘሎ ዝብል ገምጋም ኢዩ ገይሩ። ደምበ ተቓውሞ ድኽመታቱ ከለሊ ምኽኣሉ ብኣወንታ ዝርአ ኣኳ ይኹን እምበር ንድኽመታቱ ክፈትሕ ዘይምኽኣሉ ግን ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝንን ዘሕፍርን ኢዩ።
ሓርነት፦ እዚ ጕባኤ'ዚ ካብ'ቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ ጕባኤ ዝፈልዮ ነይሩ'ዶ? እንተነይሩ እንታይ ኢዩ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ቀዳማይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ፡ ብዓይነቱ መስመሪ ጕባኤ ናይ ዝተፈላለዩ ውድባት ኢዩ ነይሩ ክበሃል ይከኣል። ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራን ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓስን ዝሰመርሉ ጕባኤ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ቀንዲ ዕማም ናይ'ቲ ጕባኤ፡ ንዝሓለፎ መድረኽን ዝሰርሖም ዕማማትን ምግምጋም ዘይኰነስ፡ ኵሎም እቶም ብዝተፈላለየ ድሕረ ባይታ ዝመጹ ውድባት ዝሰማምዕሉ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮን ቅዋምን ምጽዳቕን፤ ከምኡ'ውን፡ ንሰለስቲአን ውድባት ዘንጸባርቕ መሪሕነታዊ ኣካላትን ትካላትን ምቛም ኢዩ ነይሩ።
ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ ግን፡ ዝዓበየ ስርሑ ነቲ ካብ ሓምለ 2011 ክሳብ ነሓሰ 2015 መሪሕነት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ መዳያት ዘካየዶም ንጥፈታትን ጕባኤ ዝካየደሉ ኣብ ዝነበረ እዋን ኣብ ሃገርና፡ ዞባናን ዓለምናን ሰፊኑ ዝነበረ ኵነታትን ምግምጋም ኢዩ። ልክዕ'ዩ ንክሰርሓሉ ዝጸንሐ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮን ቅዋምን ዳህሳስ ኣካይዱን ከመሓየሽ ኣለዎ ዝበሎም ገለገለ ምምሕያሻት እውን ገይርሉን ኢዩ።
ኣብ ካልኣይ ጕባኤኡ፡ ሰዲህኤ፡ ንኣድማዒ ተሳትፎ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ንምርግጋጽ ብሓደ ሸነኽ፤ ንምስግጋር መሪሕነታዊ ተራ ናብ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ደማ በቲ ካልእ ሸነኽ ዓቢ ትዅረት ኢዩ ገይርሉ። ነዚ ክውን ንምግባር፡ ዘኽእል መሳለጥያታትን ኣገባባትን ምፍጣር ሓደ ካብ ናይ’ዚ እዋን ቀዳምነታት ምዃኑ ድማ ጕባኤ ኣረጋጊጹ። ካብ'ዚ ሓሊፉ ሓድሽ ኣወዳድባን ዘመናዊ ናይ ርክብ መስመራት ንክዝርጋሕን ከኣ ጉባኤ ወሲኑ። ብዘይካ'ዚ መንእሰይ ዘለዎ ረዚን ሓላፍነት ተገንዚቡ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኣብ ናይ ምድሓን ቃልሲ ብትሪ ንኽሳተፍ ጉባኤ ጸዊዑ።
ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ ተራ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ቃልሲ እናዛሕተለ ኢዩ ክኸይድ ጸኒሑ። ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ ጠንቂ ናይ'ዚ ዝሕተላ'ዚ እንታይ ምዃኑ መጽናዕቲ ክግበረሉ ወሲኑ ኣሎ። ካብ'ዚ ብምብጋስ፡ ተሳትፎ መንእሰያትን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ኣብ ኣመራርሓ ሰልፊ ኣብ ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ብዝያዳ ከምዝብርኽ ተገይሩ ኢዩ። ኣብ ቀዳማይ ጕባኤ ኣብ ማእከላይ ባይቶ 2 ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ጥራሕ ኢየን ነይረን። ኣብ ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ግን ቍጽረን ናብ 5 ክብ ኢሉ ኣሎ።
ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ፡ ብኣደ መንበርነት ናይ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኢዩ ተሰናዲኡ። እዚ ኣብ ተመኵሮ ሰልፍና ይኹን ኣብ ተመኵሮ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ኤርትራ ናይ መጀመርያ ተርእዮ ኢዩ ዝመስለኒ።
ካልኣይ ጕባኤና፡ ነቲ ብኮሚሽን ምርመራ ጕዳይ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ንኤርትራውያን ግዳያት መሰረት ገይሩ ዝወጸን ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ መጻብቦ ኣእትይዎ ዘሎን ጸብጻብን ንዓኡ መሰረት ገይሩ ንዝተወስደ ውሳነታትን መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ሕቡራት ሃገራት ደገፉ ገሊጹ ኢዩ። ኣብ ቀጻሊ ስራሓት ኣጻራይት ሽማግለ ክተሓባበር ድልዊ ምህላዉ ድማ ኣረጋጊጹ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እቲ ጉዳይ ብቐጥታ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት፡ ከምቲ ዝጀመርዎ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣብ ኤርትራ ንኸብቅዕ ዝገብርዎ ተጽዕኖ ኣብ መወዳእታ ንኸብጽሕዎ ደጊሙ ጸዊዑ ኢዩ። ጕባኤ፥ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ንዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ ምፍራስ ናይ ኣባይቲ ብትሪ ኰኒንዎ ኢዩ።
እዞም ንተራ መንእሰያትን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን፡ ንኮሚሽን ምርመራ ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ምፍራስ ኣባይትን ዝምልከቱ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስክዎም ውሳኔታት ሓደስቲ ኢዮም። ኣብ ቀዳማይ ጕባኤና ኣብ ዘሕለፍናዮም ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔታት ኣይነበሩን።
ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤ ናይ ተዓዛቢ ቦታ ኣብ ሶሽያሊስት ኢንተርናሽናል፡ መስራቲ ኣባል ናይ ገስጋሲ ምሕዝነት ኣብ ዝዀነሉ እዋን ምክያዱ፡ ሰዲህኤ ምስ ማሕበራውያን ሰልፍታት ዘለዎ ዝምድና እናዓበየ ይኸይድ ምህላዉ ኢዩ ዘመልክት።
ሓርነት፦ ንተራን ተሳትፎን መንእሰያት ካብ ኣልዓልካ፡ እዚ ቃልሲ ብመንእሰያት ክምራሕ ኣለዎ፡ እቶም ዝኣረጉ መራሕቲ ከልግሱ ኣለዎም ዝብል ካብ ገለ መንእሰያት ዝስማዕ ኣርኣእያ ከመይ ኢኻ ትርእዮ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ኣብ ኤርትራ ይንዋሕ ይሕጸር ብዘየገድስ ለውጢ ክመጽእ ናይ ግድን ኢዩ። እቲ ለውጢ ከይተዳለና ከይመጽእን ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ሕንፍሽፍሽ ከይኣትዉን ክንሓስበሉ ኣለና። ሓደ ንፉዕ ዓላሚ ናይ ሓንቲ ጋንታ ናይ ስፖርት ኣባላታ ኵሎም ክሳብ ዝኣርጉ ብዘይ መተካእታ ኣይጽበይን ኢዩ። ነቶም ዘዝዓበዩ ብንኣሽቱ እናተክኤ፡ ማለት ምኩራትን ሓደስትን እናዛነቐ ኢዩ ዝኸይድ። እቲ ምትኽኻእ ከም ዘየቋርጽ ውሕጅ፡ እቲ ቀዳማይ እናሓለፈ፡ እቲ ዳሕረዋይ እናሰዓበ ክኸይድ ኣለዎ። ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ፡ ንኽሎም እቶም ምኩራትን ክኢላታትን ገዳይም ተጻወቲ ብሓደ ግዜ ኣልጊሱ ብሓደስቲ ዝትክእ ዓላማይ ውን ነታ ጋንታ ንሓደጋን ንውድቀትን ኢዩ ዘቃልዓ።
ምዝናቕ ንቐጻልነት ቃልሲ ኣገዳሲ ምዃኑ ተረዲእና ናይ ምምራሕ ሓላፍነት ካብ ገዳይም ናብ ሓደስቲ ምስግጋር ብጥንቅቑን እተጸንዐን ኣገባብ ኣብ ግብሪ ከነውዕሎ ክንክእል ኣለና። መንእሰያት ይኹን ዓበይቲ ነናቶም ኣወንታውን ኣሉታውን ሸንኻት ኣለዎም። ነቲ ኣወንታታት ናይ ክልቲኡ ዕድመ ብምዝናቕ ኢዩ ዕዉት ቃልሲ ክካየድ ዝኽእል።
ንዓበይቲ ገዳይም መራሕቲ ቀስ ብቐስ ብሓደስቲ መራሕቲ ምትካእ ካልእ ጥቕሚ እውን ኣለዎ። እቲ ኣብ መንጐ ንብዙሕ ዓመታት ብሓባር ዝሰርሑ መራሕቲ ዝፍጠር ናይ ህልኽን ቅርሕንትን ውድድርን ስምዒታት ኰነ ወይ ድማ ናይ ዘይምንቅቓፍን ሸለል ተባሃሂልካ ምትሕልላፍን ዝኣመሰሉ ኣሉታዊ ልምድታት ይንክዮም ኢዩ።
ሓርነት፦ ኣብ'ዚ ግዜ'ዚ ጕዳይ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ኣዘራራቢ'ዩ ዘሎ እሞ፣ ንዑኡ ብዝምልከት ውሳኔ ጕባኤኹም እንታይ ኢዩ? ብግብሪ'ኸ ኣብ'ዚ መዳይ እንታይ ክትሰርሑ ኢኹም?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ካልኣይ ጕባኤ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ "ኣብ መንጐ ኤርትራውያን ውድባት ተቓውሞ ስኒት ዝፈጥር፥ ኵሉ ኤርትራዊ ተቓዋማይ ኣንጻር ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ አእጃሙ ከበርክት ዘኽእልን ዘተባብዕን፣ ክሳብ ውድቀት ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንዘሎ መድረኽ ቃልሲ ዝመርሕ ምስ ኵሎም ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ንምፍጣር ኣብ ዝግበር ጻዕሪ፡ ከይተሓለለ ቀዳምነት ሂቡ ክሰርሕ ቅሩብ ምዃኑ ደጊሙ ኣረጋጊጹ። ነቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዓንቂጹ ዝጸንሐ ናይ ዘይምትእምማንን ዘይምጽውዋርን ገታኢ ባህሊ ንምውጋድ ኣብ ዝግበር ጻዕሪ ሰልፍና እጃሙ ከበርክት ወሲኑ" ኣሎ።
ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣተሓሕዛ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ንጕዳይ ምጥርናፍ ወይ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ካብ ኣበጋግሳኡ ጕድለት ከምዝጸንሖ ኢዩ ክገልጽ ጸኒሑ። እቲ ንምቛም ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ (ኤሃባደለ) ዝተኸደ መስርሕ፡ ናይ መን ዓብለለ መንፈስ ዝገዝኦ፣ ቂምን ቅርሕንትን ምትህልላኽን ዝነገሶ ጕዕዞ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ከም ውጽኢቱ ድማ ካብ ዕለት ናብ ዕለት ኣብ መንጐ ኣሓት ውድባት ናይ ዘይምትእምማን ናይ ሕድሕድ ምጥርጣርን መንፈሳት እናበረኸ ከምዝኸይድ ኢዩ ገይሩ። እዚ ሃለዋት'ዚ ድማ ኢዩ ንኤሃባደለ ወስ ቀስ ከምዘይብል ገይሩ ወጢሩ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ። ካብ'ዚ ኣተሓሳስባን ጐደናን እዚ ከይወጸ ድማ ኣድማዒ ስራሕ ክሰርሕ ከምዘይክእል ርዱእ ኢዩ ዝመስለኒ።
ስለ'ዚ፡ ሰዲህኤ፡ ኵሉ ተቓዋማይ ከከም ዓቕሙ እጃሙ ዘበርክተሉ፡ ህዝቢ ናተይ ኢዩ ዝብል ናይ ዋንነት ስምዒት ዘሕድረሉን ዝዓስሎን፡ ኣህጕራዊ ደገፍ ዘለዎ ምጥርናፍ ወይ ምጥርናፋት ክውን ንምግባር ከም ብሓድሽ ክበጋገስ ከምዘለዎ ኢዩ ዝርኢ። ሰዲህኤ፡ ደጊሙ እቶም ተመሳሳሊ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ዘለዎም ውድባት ክሳብ ምጽንባር ዘብጽሕ ሓባራዊ ስርሓት ከካይዱ፣ እቶም ዝተፈላለየ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ዘለዎም ውድባት ድማ፡ ኣብ መንጐኦም ስኒት ዘስፍን፡ ንሓባራዊ ናይ ቀረባ ዕላማታት፡ ማለት ንስርዓት ህግደፍ ምውጋድን ርግኣት ምስፋንን ዝዕላማኡ መድረኽ ንምፍጣር ዝሕግዝ ናይ ምጽውዋር፡ ምክብባርን ምትሕግጋዝን ባህሊ ከጐልብቱ ደጊሙ ጻውዒቱ የቕርብ። ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣንጻር ሕድሕዱ ዘካይዶ ቃልስን ምውንጅጃልን ንቕድሚት ዘየሰጕምን ንዕምሪ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ዘናውሕን ስለዝዀነ ኵሉ ብሃገሩን ህዝቡን ዝግደስ ኤርትራዊ ደው ንኽብል ዝከኣሎ ጻዕርታት ክገብር ንምሕጸን። መጻኢ ዘማዕደወ ኣገዳሲ ኣኼባ
ሰልፍና፡ ብግብሪ ምስ ብዙሓት ተቓወምቲ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ካዕባዊ ርክባት እናኣካየደ ኣብ መንጐናን ኣብ መንጐኦምን ህዱእ ኵነታት ክፍጠር ክጽዕር ጸኒሑ። ሕጂ'ውን ነዚ ክቕጽሎ ኢዩ። ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ ምስ ነፍስወከፍ ተቓዋሚ ውድብ፡ ብማዕረ'ቲ ኣብ ምርድዳእ ዝበጽሓሎም ጕዳያት ሓቢሩ ክሰርሕ ድልዊ ኢዩ።
ሓርነት፦ ኣብ'ዚ እዋን'ዚ ተሳትፎ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ናይ ለውጢ መስርሕ ከመይ ኢኻ ትገልጾ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ህዝቢ ለውጢ ይደሊ ኣሎ። እዚ ንጹር ኢዩ። ኣቐዲመ እውን እቲ ተቓዋማይ እናበዝሐ፡ እቲ ንስርዓት ዝከላኸል ድማ እናነከየ ይኸይድ ምህላዉ ገሊጸ ነይረ። ለውጢ ከምጽእ ዝኽእል ግን ተወዲብካ ብምቕላስ ኢዩ። እዚ፡ ካብ ተመኵሮና ይኹን ካብ ተመኵሮ ናይ ካልኦት ሃገራት ዝተመሃርናዮ ሓቂ ኢዩ። ኣብ'ዚ መዳይ'ዚ ድማ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ማዕረ'ቲ ጠለብ ኰይኖም ኣይተረኽቡን። ብኣንጻሩ፡ ኣብ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት በብእዋኑ ዘጋጥም ምፍንጫላትን ኣብ ሕድሕዶም ዘካይዶዎ ምጥቅቓዕን ንፍናን ህዝብና ኣብ ምድኻምን ንዕምሪ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ምንዋሕን ዓቢ እጃም ከምዘለዎ ክንእመነሉ ይግባእ። ብሓጺሩ፥ ህዝቢ ዝመርሖ ስኢኑ እምበር ንለውጢ ካብ ዝብህግሲ ሓጺር ግዜ ኣይኰነን ምባል ይከኣል ኢዩ። ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ናይ ጅነቭ ጽቡቕ ኣብነት ኢዩ።
ሓርነት፦ ኣብ'ዚ እዋን'ዚ ደለዪቲ ፍትሒ ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ድማ ብፍላይ እንታይ ክገብሩ ትጽውዕ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ደለዪቲ ፍትሒ ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣባላት ውድባት ይኹኑ ኣይኹኑ ብዘየገድስ፡ ኣብ መንጐኦም ንዝርከብ ፍልልያትን ዘይምርድዳኣትን ብግቡእ ኣመሓዲሮም፡ ኵሉ ዓቕሞም ኣንጻር ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ክጸምዱ ይግባእ እብል። ፍልልያት ክርከቡ ከለዉ ድማ፡ ኣብ ኵራን ጽልእን ኣብ ወብሳይት ከድካ ምውንጅጃልን ክንዲ ምምራሕ ገጽ ንገጽ ተራኺብካ ብግሉጽ ኣገባብ ተላዚብካ ንምውጋኖም ምጽዓር ስልጡን ኣገባብ ምዃኑ ከስምረሉ እፈቱ። ከም ውልቀሰባት ኰነ ከም ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ንዝዓበየ ዕላማ ቀዳምነት ብምሃብ፡ ነቲ ንቕድሚት ዘየሰጕም ቆይቊታትን ጸለመታትን ትርጕም ዘይብሉ ምትህልላኻት ዕሽሽ ኢሎም ክሓልፍዎ ይግባእ እብል።
ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ ደለዪቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ዘዝርከብሉ ከባቢታት ወይ ከተማታት ተጠራኒፎም ብሓደ ሸነኽ ንተግባራት ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኣስመራ ኣብ ምቅላዕን ምብዳህን ኵሉ መዳያዊ ንጥፈታት ከካይዱ፣ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ፡ ነዞም ብዙሕ ስቅያትን ሓሳረ-መከራን ሰጊሮም ናብ ኣውሮጳ ዝሰግሩ ዘለዉ ስደተኛታት ምስ መነባብሮ ናይ ሃገራት ምዕራብ ከላልይዎም፡ ምኽሪ ክህብዎም፡ ክሕግዝዎምን ኣብ ሃገራዊ ዕማማት ክሳተፉ ከተባብዕዎምን ክጽውዕ ወይ ክላቦ እፈቱ። ከምኡ'ውን፡ ነቶም ኣብ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት ሞያውን ኣካዳምያውን ስልጠናታት ክውሃቦም ብደረጃ ዞባናን ዓለምን ክንጕስጕስ የድልየና።
ኣብ'ዚ እዋን'ዚ፡ ኣውሮጳዊ ሕብረት ንዋሕዚ ስደተኛታት ደው ንምባል ንዲክታቶርያውያን ስርዓታት ደገፍ ንምሃብ ኣብ ዝዋናወነሉ ዘሎ እዋን፡ ብሓደ ኢድ ኮሚሽን ምርመራ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኣውጺእካ ብስርዓት ኤርትራ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ገበናት ምዅናን፤ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ፡ ብስደተኛታት ኣመሳሚስካ ንዲክታቶርያውያን ምድጋፍ ዝዓይነቱ ድርብ መስፈርትን ዘይቃዶ ኣተሓሕዛን ከነቃልዕን ተቓውሞታትና ከነስምዕን ክንክእል ኣሎና እብል። ነዚ ንምግባር ድማ፡ ናይ ሓባር ሽማግለታት መዚዝካ ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ መድረኻት ምውፋርን ሰላማዊ ሰልፍታት ብምክያድ ናይ ተቓውሞ ድምጽታትካ ምስማዕን የድሊ።
ሓርነት፦ ኣብ መወዳእታ ከተመሓላልፎ እትደሊ ዘይጠቐስካዮ መልእኽቲ እንተልዩ?
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፦ ኣብ መወዳእታ ክጠቕሶ ዝደሊ ተራ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን (ሚድያ) ዝምልከት ኢዩ። መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ብግቡእ እንተደኣ ተጠቒምናሎም ንሓደ ሕብረተሰብ ዘበርክትሉ ጥቕምታት ማእለያ የብሉን። ብጌጋ እንተደኣ ተጠቒምናሎም ከኣ ዘስዕብዎ ጕድኣት ቀሊል ኣይኰነን። ስለዝዀነ ድማ፥ ናይ መንግስቲ ይኹኑ ናይ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ንህዝቢ ክጐድእ ካብ ዝኽእል ተግባራት ክቍጠቡ ይግባእ። መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ንሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ንሰላም፡ ንፍትሒ፡ ንብልጽግና፡ ንፍቕሪ፡ ንትግሃት፡ ንሓድነት . . . ወዘተ ዝኣመሰሉ ክብርታት ክጣበቑን ክጕስጕሱን ኣለዎም ደኣ'ምበር፡ ንባእሲ፡ ጽልኢ፡ ምቍንጻብ፡ ምፍልላይ፡ ጭቆና፡ ውግእን ወረ ውግእን ዝኣመሰሉ ኢሰብኣዊ ተግባራት ከመጕሱን ከተባብዑን ኣይግባእን።
ኣጠቓቕማ ኤርትራውያን ንመራኸቢ ብዙሓን ኣዝዩ ዘሻቕል ኢዩ። ርትዓዊ፡ ሓቀኛ፡ ዘይሻራውን መሃራይን መራኸቢ ብዙሓን የብልናን እንተተባህለ ምግናን ኣይኰነን። ንቆይቕን ምጽልላምን ንናትካ ሸነኽ ጥራሕ ምምጓስን ምንኣድን ኢና ንጥቀመሎም። ስለዝዀነ ድማ፡ ህዝብና ካብኦም ዝረኽቦ ጥቕሚ የለን።
እዚ ስለዝዀነ ናይ ህዝቢ ተኣማምነት እናሰኣኑ ኢዮም ክኸዱ ዝርኣዩ ዘለዉ። ዕላማ ናይ ኵሎም መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ንህዝቢ ምግልጋል፡ ንህዝቢ ዋና ጕዳዩ ምግባር፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝፍጸም በደላት ምቅላዕ፡ ንመንግስቲ ምቍጽጻር ክኸውን ኣለዎ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ ወነንቲ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ዘዝመጾም ጽሑፋት ወይ መልእኽቲ ከምዘለዎ ምልጣፍ ወይ ምሕላፍ ዘይኰነስ፡ ናይ'ቲ ዝልጥፍዎ ዘለዉ ጽሑፋት ትሕዝቶ ክመምዩን፡ ምስ'ቲ እቲ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ዝቘመሉ ክብርታት ይሳነዩ ድዮም ኣይሳነዩን ክግምግሙን ዝጠቅምን ዝጐድእን ፈላልዮም ናብ ህዝቢ ከመሓላልፉን ሓላፍነት ከምዘለዎም ክፈልጡ ይግባእ።
ሓርነት፡ ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፡ ስለቲ ምስ ዘለካ ከቢድ ሓላፍነት ድኻምካ ክይጸብጸብካ ሕቶታትና ዝመለስካ ብስም ኣንበብቲ ኣዚና ነመስግን።
ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ፡ ኣነ እውን ናብ መላእ ኣባላት ሰልፍን ደለይቲ ለውጢ ኤርትራውያንን መልእኽተይ ከመሓላልፍ ንዝተፈጥረለይ ኣጋጣሚ ኣዝየ የመስግን።
ተፈጸመ
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ፦
ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ መዓልታት ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናይ መላእ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። እዚ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ኣብ ኣዝዩ ጽንኩር ኩነታት ኣብ ዝርከብሉ መድረኽ ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ፡ ቀንዲ ቆላሕታኡ ውሽጣዊ ሰልፋዊ ጉዳይ ኮይኑ ንህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ከባቢናን’ውን ዝጓሰየ ኣይነበረን። እዚ ኣኼባ ብተራ ሓበሬታ ናይ ምትሕልላፍን ዝቐረበ ሕቶታት ምምላስ ጥራይ ዝውሰድ ዘይኮነስ ናይ ደሞክራሲ ኣዕኑድ ካብ ዝኾኑ ግሉጽነት፡ ተሓታትነትን ኣሳታፍነትን ኣብ ምዕኳኽ እውን ግደኡ ዕዙዝ እዩ።
ናይዚ ኣኼባ ቀንዲ ዕላማ ብፍላይ ኣብዚ ቀረባ እዋን ብዓወት ናይ ዝተቓነዐ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ ውጽኢት ንምሕባር ኮይኑ፡ እቶም ዝጸደቑ ሰነዳትን ውሳነታትን ኣብ ወረቐት ተደሪቶም ምእንቲ ከይተርፉ ንኣተገባብርኦም ዝምልከት ዝተሓንጸጸ ሜላታትን ዝቖሙ መፈጸሚ ትካላትን ዝሓበረን፡ ኣብ መጻኢ መስርሕ ብጽሒት መሪሕነትን ሓላፍነት መላእ ኣባላት ሰልፍን ንምጻር እውን ዝዓለመ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብ ብዙሕ ኣጋጣሚታት ከም ዝግለጽ ሓደ ሰልፊ ወይ ውድብ ኣብቲ ብሓባር ምስ ካለኦት ዝግበር ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ምትካል ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓትን ኣድማዒ ብጽሒት ንክህልዎ፡ ቅድም ውሽጣዊ ዓቕሙ ኣብ ምህናጽ ክበቅዕ ይግበኦ። ናቱ ዕዮ ገዛ ብዝግባእ ዘይሰርሐ ሰልፊ ይኹን ውድብ ግና ኣብቲ ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ልሉይ ግደ ክህልዎ ኣይክእልን እዩ። እቲ መሪሕ ግደን ዓቕምን ዝጥረ ከዓ ብፍሉያት ኣካላት ወይ ድማ ብመሪሕነት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ ብዝለዓለ ቀጻሊ ተሳትፎን ጻዕርን ኩሎም ኣባላት ሰልፊ እዩ። ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ከድምዑ ድማ፡ ቅርቡነቶምን ጻዕሮምን እቲ ቀንዲ ኮይኑ ብግቡእ ሓበሬታን ዓሚቕ ኣፍልጦን ክዕጠቑ ይግበኦም። እዚ ናይ ዓቕሚ ምስንናቕ ክጥረ ካብ ዝኽእለሉ መድረኻት ሓደ ድማ እዚ ብላዕለዎት ኣካላት ሰልፊ ዝካየድ መድረኻዊ ኣኼባታት እዩ።
እዚ ኣኼባ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ናይ ኣባልነት ግቡኣቶም ብኣድማዒ ከረጋግጹ ዝጽውዕን ዘበራብርን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ከባቢና ብመንጽር ፖለቲካዊ ፖሊስ ናይ ሰልፊ እንታይ ከም ዝመስል ዘርኢ ሓበሬታ ናይ ምርካብ መሰሎም ዘመልክት’ውን እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣረኣእያ መሪሕነትን መሰረታትን ሰልፊ፡ ኣብ ሰልፋውን ከባቢያውን ዛዕባታት፡ ሓላፍዘላፍ ዘይኮነስ ዝተወሃሃደን ኣብ ሕድሕዱ ዝናበብን ከም ዝኸውን ኣብ ምግባር እውን እጃሙ ኣዝዩ ዓብይ እዩ። ኣባላት ሰልፊ ብዛዕባ ናይ ሰልፎም ኩለመዳያዊ ፖሊሲታትን ከባቢኦምን ግቡእ ግንዛበ እንተረኺቦም፡ ኣብ ዘዘለዉዎ ከባቢ ናይ ሰልፎም ኣንበሳድራት ብምዃን ኣብቲ ዘዝተመደብሉ ፍሉይ ኣብያተ ጸሕፈት ጥራይ ከይተደረቱ ኣብ ኩሉ ዛዕባታት ኣብ ዝተፈልለዩ መድረኻት ተሳቲፎም ናይ ሰልፎም ፖሊሲታት ከላልዩ ስለ ዘኽእሎም፡ ካልእ ናይዚ ኣኼባ ኣገዳስነት መርኣያ እዩ።
እዚ ኣኼባ ካብ ዘልዓሎምን ምስ መትከላት ሰልፊ ኣዛሚዱ ካብ ዝተዛረበሎምን ነጥብታት ሓደ ጉዳይ ሓድነት ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ከም ዝነበረ ብዜናና ተሓቢሩ ነይሩ እዩ። እዚ ጉዳይዚ ሎሚ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ለውጢ ዘልዕልዎን ዝጭነቕሉን ኣገዳሲ ኣጀንዳ እዩ። ኩሎም ኣካላት ኣብዚ ጉዳይ ክዕመም ዝግበኦ ዝነበረ ከምዘይተገብረ ይኣምኑ። ከም መተካእታ ድማ “ገለ ዘይንገብር” ክብሉ ይስምዑ። እቲ “ገለኸ እንታይ እዩ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ምስ ተላዕለ ዝወሃብ መስልሲ ግና ወይ ንጹር ኣይኮነን ወይ ድማ ኣብ ሕድሕዱ ዘይሰማማዕ እዩ። እዚ ድማ ሓደ ጉዳይ ክትገብር እንዳበሃግካ፡ ግና ነቲ እትብህጎ መተግበሪ ዓቕሚ ወይ ተጸዋርነት ምስኣን እዩ ዘርኢ። ኣብዚ ብዛዕባኡ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ኣኼባ ኣባላት ሰልፍና፡ እዚ ጉዳይዚ ብሰፊሑ ተዘትይሉ እዩ። መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ካብዚ ዘለናዮ ብሓባር ከስርሕ ዘይክእል ዕጹው ኩነታት ዘውጽእ ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮ ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወን ንድሕሪት ዘይምለስን ሓድሽ ኣገባብ ንክሕንጽጽ ዝሕግዞ ሃናጽን ሓላፍነታውን ሓሳባት ረኺቡ እዩ። እዚ ድማ ሓደ ካብ ዕላማታት እዚ ኣኼባ መሪሕነት ኣብ መስርሕ ኣብ ግምት ዘእትዎ ሓሳባት ካብ መሰረታት ንምርካብን ኣሳታፍነት ምንጽብራቕን ስለ ዝነበረ መሪሕነት ነቲ ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ሓሳባት ብሃናጺ መልክዑ እዩ ዝቕበሎ።
30 መስከረም 2015
An Interview with Ms. Sheila B. Keetharuth, Commissioner – Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea –
Written by Russom Mesfun
Question. Although Eritreans, at least those in the Diaspora, are familiar with your picture and your being one of the trio of the UNCOI, can you provide us with an introduction as to your background and how you ended up with the COI team?
Answer. I am a lawyer from Mauritius and have been working on human rights issues on the African continent for almost three decades. I have served as the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea since November 2012. On 27 June 2014, when the UN Human Rights Council adopted Resolution A/HRC/RES/26/24 setting up the Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea, it specifically indicated that the Special Rapporteur would be one of the three members. This explains my presence on the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (COIE) as one of the Commissioners.
Q. What is the COI and how does it come into existence?
A. Following the presentation of my reports (A/HRC/23/53 in June 2013 and A/HRC/26/45 in June 2014) in my capacity as Special Rapporteur, and taking into account the non-cooperation of the Eritrean Government with the mandate and other human rights mechanisms, in June 2014, the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) decided to establish, for a period of one year, a commission of inquiry on human rights in Eritrea (COIE). The HRC mandated the COIE to investigate violations of international human rights law, as outlined in the reports of the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Eritrea. There were also calls for the setting up of the Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea made by civil society and other Eritreans, including those in the diaspora. Following the presentation of the Commissino’s report containing its findings in June 2015, the HRC decided to extend the mandate of the COIE for one year to investigate systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in Eritrea with a view to ensuring full accountability, including where these violations may amount to crimes against humanity.
Q. Are members appointed or they have to express an interest and even have to apply to be member of such a commission?
A. The President of the Human Rights Council approaches suitably qualified candidates to see whether they may be interested and then appoints members from among those who express an interest in being part of the Commission.
Q. Since your work entails having to investigate a government’s policy and behavior, does the government in question have a say in approving the members?
A. Appointment of the Commisioners remains the responsibility of the UN Human Rights Council and does not entail the approval of the Government concerned.
Q. What in short were you able to firmly establish from your investigation of the Eritrean regime?
A. The Commission found that systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations have been and are being committed with impunity in Eritrea under the authority of the Government. Some of these violations may constitute crimes against humanity. Our investigation identified specific patterns of systematic human rights violations, based on several factors. They included:
• The high frequency of occurrence of violations documented and corroborated;
• The number of victims and the replication of the violation over a certain period of time;
• The type of rights violated; and
• The systemic nature of these violations, meaning that they cannot be the result of random or isolated acts by the authorities.
The COIE was able to confirm serious human rights violations in Eritrea, including cases of extrajudicial killing, enforced disappearance and incommunicado detention, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, inhumane prison conditions, violations of human rights in the context of the indefinite national service, which in effect amounts to forced labour, sexual violence in the national service, lack of freedom of expression and opinion, assembly, association, religious belief and movement.
Q. Was there any information that you came across thar surprised you most? What was it, why?
A. It was the extent to which the vast security network reaches into every level of society in-country but also in other countries. This is one of the reasons why the Commission said that Eritrea is a country ruled by fear and not by law. While I had an indication of this state of affairs, the Commission was able to gauge how wide-reaching it was.
Q. Have you heard of, read or even worked on a situation like that of Eritrea? Are there regimes out there like the PFDJ?
A. The COIE’s mandate is to focus on human rights violations in Eritrea and it is best to avoid making comparisons with other countries. However, human rights violations in Eritrea are systematic, widespread and indeed happening on a large scale and we seldom see human rights violations of the scope and scale we see in Eritrea today.
Q. The regime’s constant criticism of the report is that you have never been into the country. How much did you try to convince the regime to allow you in?
A. Although the Commission repeatedly sought the cooperation of the Government in carrying out its work, it received no response. The Chair wrote to President Isaias Afewerki seeking his invitation and collaboration right at the start and followed up on several occasions, including with requests for information. The Commission even sent an advance copy of the report to the Eritrean authorities. There was no response.
Q. Do you think not being able to talk to the people inside undermined your report?
A. The Commission conducted interviews with some 550 witnesses in eight countries and received 160 written submissions. As was indicated by the Chair, Mike Smith, the Commission recorded the voices of real Eritrean people as articulated in these 550 testimonies and 160 submissions received. The Commission also reflected the silenced voice of the majority of Eritreans who have never been able to elect their own representatives in national, free, fair and democratic elections, as well as the voices of imprisoned and ill-treated critics, journalists, religious leaders and others who have disappeared into a vast network of jails, the muzzled voice of those subjected to forced labour and inhumane conditions for years on end. Finally, the Commission highlighted the voice of those who every day risk their lives to flee a government that has failed them and all of the others.
Q. There was also this incident of a cut and paste situation involving a North Korean document that somehow ended up being inserted in that of Eritrea. What exactly happened and why? Do tragic errors like that undermine or compromise the credibility of the UN and specifically the COI?
A. This “incident” as you call it did not involve the COIE and it is not something I have personal knowledge about. It is therefore difficult for me to talk about this specific happening. However, not related to the COIE work, it has no incidence on the credibility of the COIE.
Q. You are also accused of being anti-PFDJ because you had previously worked for humanitarian organizations. Can you be an objective investigator with a background of opposing unpopular governments?
A. I have dedicated my time and energy for years to monitor, document, investigate, advocate against human rights violations and even to litigate abuses wherever they happen, mainly in Africa. I have grounded my work in the human rights treaties and documents accepted universally as well as regionally, on the African continent. I have no interest in opposing any specific political organisation or government. I oppose human rights violations as my unwavering pursuit for human dignity for all.
Q. In fact, what was it like having to work on the Eritrean case?
A. It has been challenging; a situation which I can describe as taking two steps forward and one backward. However, the work which the Commission was able to achieve with the support of its Secretariat is there for the international community to appraise.
Q. If you had to do it again, would you still be part of the COIE?
A. I make it a point to deliver on my responsibilities. This is exactly what I did and would continue doing.
Q. There were reports that Commision members were threatened during the Geneva Demonstration by the regime’s supporters. What exactly took place and what can you tell us about the results or status of that investigation?
A. The President of the Human Rights Council made a statement to that effect on 23 June 2015 before the Commission presented its report. As the investigations are ongoing, I would not like to comment further on the matter.
Q. What was it like to be threatened by the supporters of a regime that you documented as ruling by fear? Would you say the regime unwittingly helped make your case or could one say that people found the report so unfounded that they resorted to threats?
A. It is unfortunate that this happened. There are other ways of engaging on substantive issues and the Commission has always kept the channels of communication open to address the core of its mandate, that is, human rights violations committed by the Eritrean authorities against its citizens.
Q. You seem to be the most accessible and visible in the media, we do not hear from your colleagues as much. Have you been delegated to be the team spokesperson?
A. Not at all. My fellow Commissioners are also very active and available. The only difference is that I have been highlighting the situation of human rights in Eritrea since November 2012 in my capacity as Special Rapporteur.
Q. What’s next for the COIE, where do you go from here?
A. The COIE is currently transitioning to its next phase and developing its programme of work. This is work in progress.
Q. What is it that you would have achieved by the end of the tenure of the Commision?
A. By the end of the tenure of the COIE we are aiming at bringing clarity regarding responsibility for human rights violations committed in Eritrea. Our goal is to pave the way for accountability, in a country where a pervasive culture of impunity is firmly entrenched.
Q. What is meant by Crimes against Humanity?
A. The definition of crimes against humanity is threefold:
– Crimes against humanity include: murder (killing or causing death, including the deprivation of access to food and medicine); extermination (mass killing or causing death to a part of the population); enslavement; imprisonment or other deprivation of physical liberty; torture; rape; sexual slavery; sexual violence; enforced disappearances of persons; persecution (intentional and severe deprivation of one or more fundamental rights contrary to international law by reason of the identity of the group); and other inhumane acts committed during peace time or war time.
– Crimes against humanity should take place in the specific context of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population: the act should not be isolated or sporadic incident but it should be a course of conduct involving the multiple commissions of acts/ crimes against any civilian population.
– In addition, there should be two subjective or mental elements: the criminal intent to commit the inhuman act/conduct and the knowledge that it is part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. Gross negligence or inadvertent recklessness is not sufficient for the commission of crimes against humanity.
Q. Will you be able to enter into the country this time around? Even if allowed, how would you be able to guarantee your safety?
A. As the Commission has previously indicated, the preferred way to conduct its investigations would be in situ, that is in the country and we hope to be invited. It is the responsibility of the host government to provide security to those it has invited.
Q. Just as importantly, how would you guarantee the safety of those you interview?
A. The prime responsibility for the safety of those whom the COIE interview remains with the government authorities. Witnesses and victims’ protection is a central concern for the Commission. We have adopted procedures and methods of work aimed at protecting such persons, as well as the information they have chosen to share with us, during all stages of our work and beyond the release of our report.
However, our ability to physically protect concerned persons is limited and we count on the governments of the countries we have visited to respect their primary responsibility to protect their residents, including the victims and witnesses we have interviewed. We have systematically sought guarantees from the concerned States that individuals wishing to meet us shall have unhindered access to us, and that none of them shall, as a result of meeting us, suffer any harassment, threat, act of intimidation, ill-treatment or reprisal, or face any criminal prosecution or other judicial proceedings.
Q. What if the regime availed only people that would refute your original report?
A. As part of its working methods, the COIE ensures that it has total freedom to interview any witness who can shed light on human rights violations in Eritrea, as per its mandate.
Q. Are you planning to interview as part of the investigation the current ruler of Eritrea, Mr. Isaias Afewerki or senior officials? Have there been attempts to contact him directly?
A. As indicated above, the COIE wrote directly to the President at the start of the first mandate and followed up. We will certainly seek an invitation to Eritrea again.
Q. African leaders seem united in their opposition as discriminatory the International Crimes Court (ICC). What is the point of the COIE and how does it help the victims of the regime you’re investigating?
A. On renewing its mandate in June 2015, the Human Rights Council decided “to extend, for a period of one year, the mandate of the commission of inquiry to investigate systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in Eritrea with a view to ensuring full accountability, including where these violations may amount to crimes against humanity”. The mandate is clear. What the HRC decides to do with the findings is not in the hands of the COIE. The work of the COIE will also serve as a record of the human rights violations victims have been subjected to at the hands of the authorities. However, the COIE aims at providing the basis to break the cycle of impunity for human rights violations in Eritrea. To do this the COIE has based and will continue using as legal framework all obligations assumed by Eritrea under international human rights treaties and other relevant treaties as well as those applicable under customary international law.
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ካብ ዝምስረት ኣትሒዙ እነሆ ሻድሻይ ዓመቱ ሒዙ ። እዚ ሰልፊ እዚ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ክልተ ውድባት ኤርትራ፥ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራን፡ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓርነት ኤርትራን ዝነበረ ናይ ስኒትን ምጽውዋርን ባይታ ዝነፍግ ኩነታትን ሜዳ ኤርትራ ንዝሓለፎ ተመኲሮ ውግእ ሕድሕድን ግርጭታትን ሰጊሩ ኣብ ሓድነትን ዕርቅን ዝበጽሐ ፍርያት እዩ።
ካብቲ ናብ ዕርቅን ስምምዕን ዘብጽሐ ቀንዲ ነጥቢ ድማ ኣብ ሕሉፍ ታሪኽ ምንባር ገዲፍና ኣብ ናይ ሎምን ጽባሕን ነማዕዱ ዝብል ትብዓት እዩ። ከም ኣብነት ናይዚ ድማ ጉዳይ ባንደራን ጉዳይ ቅዋምን ከም ዝስገር ተገብረ። እቲ ዝተረፈ ከኣ ኩሉ ነናቱ ታሪኽ ዓቂቡ ንተመራመርቲ ዝተርፍ ተባሂሉ ስለ ዝተሰግረ እዩ ኣብዚ ቅዱስ ዓላማ ሓድነትን ስኒትን ዝተበጽሐ። እዚ ሓድነት እዚ ንብዙሕነትን ሓድነትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝሓቁፍ ንመስመር ኣለልዩ ዝቃለስ ስልፍን ንናጻ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔታቱ ኣሕሊፉ ዘይህብን ምስ ኩሎም ሃገራውያን ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራትን ውልቀሰባትን ተሳንዩን ተሓባቢሩ ክሰርሕ እዩ። መሰረታዊ ዕላምኡ ድማ ሓርነትን፥ ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ንምርግጋጽ ኮይኑ እቲ ዝቐውም መንግስቲ ካብ ህዝቢ ንህዝቢ ክኸውን ዝቃለስ ሰልፊ እዩ።
ነዚ ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ድማ ከይተሓለለ ክቃለስ እንከሎ ንኹሉ እቲ ፍትሒ ዘናዲ በበይኑ ኮይኑ ግን ድሌታቱ ሓደ ዝኾነ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ዓቕምታቶምን ጸጋታቶምን ዝጥርንፍ ድልዱል ሃገራዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሓይሊ ብምህናጽ ኣቢሉ ነዚ መላኺ ስርዓትን ምልክን ንሓዋሩ ካብ ሱሩ ምሕዩ ኣብ ክንድኡ ህዝቢ ዝመረጾ መንግስትን ስርዓትን ንምትካል እዩ።
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበኣር ከምቲ ብደገ ኮይኖም ዘካፍእዎን፥ መንእሰያት ንኸይዓስልዎን ንቕድሚት ንኸይስጉምን ኣሎ ዝበሃል መናፍሓት ሰጊሩ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ የርብሕ እዩ ኢሉ ዝሓንጸጾ መጻኢ መትከላት ዲሞክራሲ ብግቡእ ክሰርሓሉ ድሉው ኣሎ። ነዚ ብሰንኪ ተሰማሚዕና ዘይምኻድናን ማሕበራዊ ዝምድናታትን ውህደትን ህዝቢከም ዝመዛባዕ ገይሩ ይርከብ። ከምኡ እውን ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ከም ዝዳኸም ብምግባሩ፥ ነቲ መንእሰያት ክስደዱን፥ ንሓደጋታት ክሳጥሑን ጠንቂ ዝኾነ ስርዓት ክነቋምት ኣይበቓዕናን። ነዚ ብዝምልከት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ካልኣይ ጉባኤኡ ዘጽደቖ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ተመርኲሱ ነቲ ለውጢ ብውሽጢ ዝብል ኣምር ክውን ንምግባር ብዝተኻእለ ምስ ውሽጢ ክፍጠር ዘለዎ ዝምድናታት ካብቲ ቅድሚ ሎሚ ዝነበረ ዝያዳ ክኻዕብቶ እዩ።
ብተወሳኺ እዚ ሰልፊ ኣዚ ነቲ ቃልሲ መንእሰይ ክወርሶ ኣለዎ ብዝብል ኣብ 2ይ ጉባኤኡ ዘጽደቖ መደብ ዕዮ መንእስያት ኣብዚ ሰልፊ እዚ ተሰሊፎም ነቲ ካብ ታሕቲ ክሳብ ላዕሊ ዝኸይድ ሓላፍነታዊ ቦታታት በብግዚኡ እናተመኮሩ ክትክእዎ ጻውዒት የቕርብ። ካብዚ ነቒሉ ንምልካዊ ስርዓትን ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባኡን ካብ ሱሩ ንኽምሕዎ፥ ነቲ ሰፍ ዘይብል ጽኑዕ መትከላዊ እምነቱ ሰላማዊ ወይ ዘይጎነጻዊ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ኣበርቲዑ ክቃለሰሉ እዩ። ዘይጎነጻዊ ኣገባብን ምስቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ዘሎ ህዝብና መራኸብን ብዘይፍርሃት ከኣ ነቲ ለውጢ ክበቅዕን ዝሕግዝ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፥ ህዝቢ ኣብ ቃልሲ ንኽሳተፍ እውን ስለ ዝሕግዝ፡ ብህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ብዝወሓደ ናይ ደም ምፍሳስ ምልኪ ንምእላይ ክጽዕተሉን ከዕውቶን እዩ።
ድራር ማንታይ
29 መስከረአም 2015
سياسة الاعتقال مرآة تعكس الوجه الحقيقي لطغمة الهقدف
Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
في كتاباتنا أو أحاديثنا عن طغمة الهقدف الدكتاتورية التي أبكت شعبنا دماً وألعقته صديداً، قد ينحو كلٌّ منا نحواً ما حول ذلك، لكننا مهما اختلفنا نتفق ولا نختلف حول إجرامية وقسوة هذا النظام ومعاداته للشعب. لننظر الي مقال الكاتب الصحفي الارتري الأستاذ/ أمانئيل سهلي المنشور مؤخراً تحت عنوان ( ارتريا: ظاهرة حكومية فريدة!! ) الذي تساءل مستغرباً استمرار وبقاء هذا النظام وهو الذي: ( ليست له ميزانية معروفة، ولا يعرف استخدام نظامٍ إداريٍّ علميّ، ولا يملك جيشاً نظامياً ولم يؤسس نظاماً عسكرياً مستقراً، اضطراب سياساته الداخلية والخارجية، لا يملك تعاملاً مصرفياً مألوفاً وثابتاً، الشعب في ظل هذا النظام يتدفق مهاجراً الي الخارج صباح مساء، لم يجز الدستور الذي وضعه بنفسه، له مجلس وزراء صوري، لا يملك جامعةً معترف بها عالمياً، قام بعسكرة الشعب كله، لا يسمح بوجود مؤسسات ومنظمات مجتمع مدني، لا يملك طاقماً دبلوماسياً مؤهلاً، دائم الشجار مع هيئة الأمم المتحدة )، ويضيف سهلي: ( إذاً ماذا يمكن أن نطلق علي هذا الذي لا يقيم وزناً للعدل والقانون، ولا يستمع الي رأي مخالفيه ممن يحذرونه من مغبة التمادي في غيه وخطورة ذلك علي الوطن برمته؟؟)، أليس من المعقول أن تصفه بالدكتاتورية والجنون أكثر من أن تصفه بالعقل والتمييز؟؟؟.
الاعتقال الجماعي واحد من مميزات تلك الطغمة المعادية للشعب، فبعد الاعتقال لا يقدم المعتقل للقضاء، كما لا يعطى المعتقل الحق في الدفاع عن نفسه، لا يعطي أقارب السجين الحق في معرفة موقع الاعتقال، مما يضع سياسة اعتقال واضطهاد هذا النظام سياسةً فريدةً في نوعها، وبذلك ساهم النظام في إطلاق اسم (السجن الأكبر) علي بلادنا. ونسبةً لإجماع مواطنينا علي إدانة هذا السلوك غير العادل من النظام فإن من رفعوا أصواتهم من كبار المسئولين الارتريين معترضين علي تلك السياسة (سجناء الثامن عشر من سبتمبر 2001م) قد وجدوا التكريم والاحتفاء بذكرى اعتقالهم أينما وجد الارتريون. ومثل هذه الجهود الوطنية وقرينتها الأجنبية يجب أن تتواصل لترسيخ قيم العدل والقانون في بلادنا ارتريا. أيضاً يجب ألا تقتصر جهود المحتفلين بتذكــُّـــر المعتقلين وسرد قصة اعتقالهم فقط، بل يجب أن تشمل أيضاً كيفية التخلص من سدنة الاعتقال، أي النظام وزبانيته، علماً أن مثل هذه الجهود والنشاطات الانسانية أصبحت شأناً عالمياً يجد النشر والتعاطف، ومن ذلك ما تمخض إثر نشر تقرير مجلس حقوق الانسان الدولي عن تلك الحقوق في ارتريا من تظاهرة جنيف الضخمة وغيرها.
بالتأكيد وإن كانت عملية الثامن عشر من سبتمبر 2001م هي الأشهر في تاريخ مسلسل الاعتقالات بعد التحرير إلا أننا نعلم جيداً أن تاريخ الاعتقالات بدأ أبدر من ذلك بكثير، فقد حدث قبل وبعد تلك العملية التي شملت كبار المسئولين والصحفيين الكثير من الاعتقالات التي يصعب حصرها مكاناً وزماناً وعدداً، لذلك كل من له معلومات عن أولئك المعتقلين المجهولين أن ينشر تلك المعلومات بشتى الوسائل وأن تشتمل خطابات الذكر والتكريم أسماءهم وكل شيء ممكن للتعريف بهم، وعلي سبيل المثال لا الحصر يمكننا ذكر المناضلين/ ولد ماريام بهلبي وتخلي برهان قبر طادق (ودي باشاي).
أيضاً يمكننا أن نوسع من عملية نشر هذه القضية وإدانتها علي المستوى العالمي وذلك بدءاً بأنفسنا وتنظيماتنا وأحزابنا السياسية والأصدقاء الأجانب. علي أن نتجاوز عملية النشر والاحتفال السنوي بذكرى معتقلينا يجب أن نبحث أيضاً عما يمكننا يوماً ما من إقامة ليالي الأنس والذكريات من المعتقلين أنفسهم في الساحات العامة في بلادهم ارتريا. إن قضية العدل في بلدٍ ما لا تقف عند حدود زمانية أو مكانية بل هي عملية نضالية مستمرة من أجل السعي نحو الأجود. لقد أورد حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري في قرارات مؤتمره الثاني عن قضية معتقلي الرأي والضمير ما يلي: ( نناشد المجتمع الدولي عموماً والجهات المعنية بحقوق الانسان خصوصاً بممارسة الضغوط المكثفة علي نظام الهقدف لكي يطلق سراح سجناء الرأي والضمير دون إبطاء ).
تبريراً لما يرتكبه النظام من جرائم الاعتقال أو الإعدام كثيراً ما يسبق ذلك ترويج بعض القصص من نسج خياله المريض يغتال بها الشخص أو الأشخاص المعنيين معنوياً ويغطي بها في ذات الوقت طبيعته الدكتاتورية الإجرامية. وبذلك يصرف أنظار الجماهير عن عدوها الحقيقي الذي هو الدكتاتور نفسه الي عدو متخيل ومفترض غير مثير لاهتمام الشعب. ولكي يشد أنظار الشعب بعيداً عن جرائمه بالداخل كان يفتعل المعارك والحروب مع دول المنطقة كالسودان، اثيوبيا واليمن. مرور الأيام والسنين يكشف الحقائق لكل من تعامى وتصامم عنها. بعض أذناب النظام أحياناً يبررون جرائمه وسياساته الإجرامية بمزاعم من قبيل (أن الرجل (الدكتاتور) يواجه تكالب الأعداء علي البلاد وأنه مشغول كل هذه السنين ببرنامج استراتيجي طموح هو تحقيق اكتفاء بلادنا ذاتياً من الغذاء و...و...الخ). يا له من تعبير منمق (تحقيق اكتفاء بلادنا ذاتياً من الغذاء)، لقد تعود النظام أن يطلق الأوصاف الكاذبة علي معارضيه الذين طالبوه بكل ما يحقق شعار الاكتفاء الذاتي كالديمقراطية، التنمية الاقتصادية، صون الحقوق وتبادل الاحترام والتعايش السلمي. لقد وصفهم آنذاك بالعمالة (للغرب ونظام الوياني)، وها هو اليوم يصف الشبان الذين تدفقوا مهاجرين من جحيمه بالمأخوذين ببريق الغرب. عموماً لنتفق علي أن الاعتقال أحد أوجه ممارسات النظام المعادية للشعب وإبطال هذا العبث يتطلب إرادة شعبية جادة للتخلص من النظام الذي هو السبب الأساس في جعل ارتريا سجناً كبيراً طوال الفترة المنصرمة من تحريرها وحتى الآن.
جرائم النظام بحقنا تتطلب التماسك والتآزر ولن يطول أمدها إذا توحدنا في مواجهتها.
أخبار نشاطات مكتب شؤون الشباب
Written by مكتب شؤون الشباب بحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
بعد الفراغ من كلٍّ من المؤتمر الثاني للحزب ومهرجان ارتريا 2015م مباشرةً قام مكتب شؤون الشباب بالمكتب التنفيذي لحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري في الحادي عشر من سبتمبر 2015م بعقد اجتماعٍ ناجح. الاجتماع الذي يعتبر أول أنشطة الحزب منذ انعقاد المؤتمر، حضره كل أعضاء الحزب والكوادر القيادية العاملة في نشاطات تتعلق بشؤون الشباب. وهؤلاء سردوا عصارة انطباعاتهم وتجاربهم الغنية التي تؤكد أن غياب فئة الشباب عن مسرح مواجهة الدكتاتورية وإنقاذ الوطن والشعب الارتري أمرٌ له ما يبرره، فقد أوضح المتحدثون أن الشباب الارتري اليوم يعاني من عدة مشكلات فريدة في نوعها، فهو بالداخل يعيش من ناحية عبودية مشروع ما يسمى بالخدمة الوطنية العسكرية ومن ناحية الدروس التي يلقنها من أسرته ومحيطه الاجتماعي صباح مساء بعدم التمرد علي الطبقة الحاكمة مهما بلغ حكمها من السوء، وعندما يتمكن مجازفاً ومغامراً بنفسه من الشروع في الهجرة وما يلاقيه في سبيلها من ويلات الطريق ثم الحصول علي حق اللجوء وامتيازاته لأمرٌ يجعله كارهاً لإرتريته، أما عندما يتأمل الشاب الارتري حال المعارضة فيجدها منخرطةً في كل ما يخدم النظام الدكتاتوري ولا ينقذ الشعب والوطن، لكن كما يقول أولئك المتحدثون الشباب فإن اللغة السياسية السائدة اليوم والتي تصف الشباب بنقص الروح الوطنية، والأنانية وعدم الاكتراث إلا لمصالحه الشخصية يجب أن تتوقف، وأن يسود مكانها التفهم والتقدير لحال الشباب ومعاناتهم المركبة وتقديم كل مساعدة ممكنة لهم، ومتى ما وجد شبابنا البصيص من التقدير والتفهم فإنه لن ينسى وطنه وشعبه ولن تغريه مباهج العيش في الغربة عن العودة الي معايشة هموم بلاده والاهتمام بمعاناة شعبه. لذلك ناشد المتحدثون معسكر المعارضة عموماً وحزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري خصوصاً بمد يد العون لأولئك الشباب وتأهيلهم وتوعيتهم بأكثر مما بـُــذِلَ في أي وقتٍ مضى.
هذا وقد تعهد المتحدثون بزيادة وتيرة برامجهم الهادفة لتطوير عمل مكتب شؤون الشباب والوفاء بهذا التعهد خلال مدة العام الأول لنشاط مكتب الشباب خلال دورة مؤتمر الحزب الحالية وقدموا في ذلك آراء ومقترحات في غاية الثراء.
ሓይሳም ዎ ሓይሳት ዮም ሓላይ ምን ምድር ትግራዪት እክል ኣስማዓኩም ቱ ። ቀደም ኩሉ ለሰብ ለልትሓለ ምን ቱ ምን እንብል ፣ ሰብ ሸየም ዎ ፋርሶታት ቶም ። ለሔልየት ሄየ ላኣስባብ ለእቡ ሓሉ ብዙሕ ቱ ። ገለ ምኖም እግል መናበረቶም ክምሰል ሽቅል እንደ ዎደዎ ለሓሉ ። ከክምሰል ሓለው ምና ለተሓሎው ሰብ ህያብ ልትሄየቦ ዐለው ፣ በህለት ወኤት ፣ ፍሊት ፣ ጀዲድ ፣ ወዘተ ልትሄየቦ ዓለው። ገለ ገለ ሔልየት ህየ እግል ኖሶም እግል ልትራዩሕ ለሓሉ ዐለው ። ለሰብ ቃድም ፣ መገዲት ወዱ ወእት ስምጡ ልትገሰው ወለእዋን ለሕላይ ለለኣምር እንዶ ራምቃዎ ማ፣እብ ናሱ ሓሌ እሎም ። ዎ ክምሰልሁማ ላሊ እት ክዋና ኣሓሆም ዎ ግርሆም እት ላዐቅቦ እት ለሓሉ ልትመየው ዐለው ።ላሊማ ግናዘት እት ለዐቅቦ ዎ እት ንጻፍ ሓሉ ልትመየው ዐለው ። ወክድ ቁዱም ኣዳም ከትብ ሰበት ኢዐላ ፤ እብ ሕላይ እንደ ወደው ለልኡኽ ላባጽሕዎ ዓለው ። እብ ሰበት ኢሊ ክእና ልብሎ ።
ሕና ሕላይ ቱ መልሀይና ፣ ለሕና ወህት ቱ ንትጋሜ
ሕዱግ እልና ቱ ዲብ ዐድና ፣ መለሀይ ልእሉ ንትፋኔ
ምን ግድዐት ተሌና ፣ ውእት ኣስማጥና እንካሬ
እላ ናይ ዮም ሕላየት ገርማርያም ገብራይ ለልትበሄል መንሳዐይ እት ወክድ ቁዱም እብ ዘመን ራእሲ ኣሉላ እግል ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ወድ ህብተስ ለሓላያ ታ። ቃደም ለሕላዪት ኣሰማዓኩም ላኣስባብ ለእቡ ተሓለት እግል እዳግም እልኩም ።
ራእሲ ኣሉላ እብ ሓጸይ ዮሓንስ ራእሲ እንዶ ትሻያማ እብ 1876 ዲብ ሓማሴን ማፃኣ ። ዎ እግል ኩሉ ለዐዶታት እግል ልገብሮ እግሉ ንዳእ ዋዳ ። ዎ እታ ምዕል ለሃ ነጋሲ ዎ ኣሚር እብ ጋሪት ኖሶም እት ሓማሴን ፀንሓው ። ሓቆ ለንዳእ ሰምዐው ሀየ እግል ራእሲ ገሰው እቱ ዎ ትዋጀሆዎ ። ዎ ሓር ዐድ ዐቅበሎው ዎ እብ ስም ከንተባይ እምነት ክልኤ ወኤት እንዶ ነስኤው ዐቅበሎው እቱ ።ራእሲ ሀየ እግል ክልኢቶም ቀቃሚሾም ሀበዮም ። ህቶም ላታ ዐዶም ክምደነው ኣሚር ለቀሚሹ እግል ተስፈንኬል ወድ ሑሁ ሀበዪ ዎ ነጋሲማ ለናዪ እግል ብእምነት ሑ ኣቡሁ ሀበዩ ። እግልሚ ብእምነት ከንተባይ ዐላ ዎ ተስፋንኬል ውድ ኣፋታይ መሰለስ ለሺመት ዐላት እግሉ ። ራእሲ እግልሚ ቃማይሽ ሀበዮም እሙር ኢኮን ። ከንተባይ ብእምነት እብ ራእሲ ወልደንኬል ወድ ሰሎሞን እንዶ ሻያማ ዐድ ሓክም ዎ ስራዕ ዐላ ።
ክምሰላ እቤሎ ለዘመን ራእሲ ኣሉላ ለሓክም እቱ ለዐላ ቱ ፣ክገድም ምእት ዎ ሕምሳ (150)ሰነት ቓርብ ። እታ ወኪድ ለህይ ሓተ ዶል ከንተባይ ብእምነት ዲብ ቃብር ክንተባይ ሓሰን ናይ ሓባብ ጋይስ እት እንቱ ፣ ነጋሲ ወድ ህብቴስ ዎ ኣሚር ወድ ደሲት ዲብ ራእሲ ኣሉላ ዐድ ተክላይ ፍግረው። ከእግል ራእሲ ኣሉላ ነጋሲ ሽመት ሀበኒ ቤሎ ። ራእሲ ኣሉላ ሄየ ፣ ሰኒ ቤላ ክእግል ነጋሲ ወድ ህብቲስ ክንትብና ሀበዪ ። ብእምነት ወድ ቴድሮስ ሄየ ምን ቃብር ዓድ ከም ዓቅባላ ፣ ሰብ ላዐድ ነጋሲ ወድ ህብቴስ ሽማትካ እግል ልንሳእ ዲብ ራእሲ ፋግራ በሎዎ ። ህቱ ሄየ ኣናማ ዲብ ራእሲ እግልሚ ይእፈግር እንደ ቤላ ህቱማ ብእምነት ዲብ ራእሲ ዐድ ተክላይ ፈግራ ። ራእሲ ኣሉላ እግል ብእምናት ከበተዩ ዲብ ዐድ ተክላይ ዎ ሓተ ሰነት ኤስሮዩ ። ዎ ሓቆ ሓተ ሰነት ባቃል ዎ ቓሪ እንድ ሃባ ፣ እት ዐድካ ክምሰል ገበራይ እንዶ ካእካ ንበር ቤሎ ከሳራሓዪ።
ነጋሲ ወድ ህብቴስ እግል ራእስ ኣሉላ ሚ እንደ ቤሎ ቱ ለሺማት እግል ልንሳእ ቃድራ እሙር ኢኮን ። እግልሚ ከንተባይ ቴድሮስ እብ ናይብ ሓሰን ክም ታኣሳራ ፣ብምእነት ምን ራእሲ ወልደንከኤል ወድ ሰሎምን ክንቱብ ዐላ ፣ ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ቀደም ክንትብና ዎ ሓቆ ክንትብናሁ 6 ወኪድ ለገቢእ ምስል ራእሲ ዲብ ዐድ ተክላይ ሩኩብ ቱ ።
ላጋኣ ምን ገቢእ ከንተባይ ብእምነት ፣ ክምላ ራእሲ ኣሉላ ለቤሎ ኢ ዋዳኒ ።ዲብ ገለብ ሓጋይ እንዶ ሓላፋ ፣ ኣይረዐት ለተለዮ ምን ዐድ ገብሬስ ዎ ምን ዐድ ዐይላይ እንዶ ነስኣ ፣ ዲብ ምድር ዐድ ትማርያም ጋዐዛ ። ደኣም ዲብ ለዐድ ለታርፈት መንሳዕ እግል ዐድ ትማርያም ሓቆ “ እናስ ዐለወኛ ንጉስ ምን ትትከበቶ ኖስኩም ተኣምሮ ‘ ምን ቴሎም ኢትከበተዎ ። ለዶል ብእምነት ምስል ጻሩ ኣውቃጽ እት ለልትበሀል ምድር ቤት- ዐውቀ ዔራ ። ዎ ምን እላ ኣካን ከራዪሁ ምስል ገለ ዳውረት ክል ኣካን እንዶ ገኣት እግል ቤት ኣብርሄ እት ቤልታ እት እንታ ዛምታያ ። ክልኦት እናስ ሓከሮው ዎ ዎሮ ቃትለው ፣ እግላ ኑዋይ ሰሩ ቃተሎዎ ዎ ሰሩ ዘምተዎ ከሰከው ። ቤት ኣብርሄ እንደይ ፈርሄት እግላ ዘምተት እት ስሚጥ ስጋደት ሽግርድባ ማሓዝ ዓንሳባ ዓሮው እባ ፣ ዎ ሕራበት ወደው ዎ ሰልፍ ኣዛዚ ወድ ህብቴስ ሑሁ እግል ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ምና ካራዪ ኦሮት ቃትላ ዎ ሓር እግል ልድገም እት ልብል ለካራዪ እብ ለክፍ እመን ቃትሎዎ ። ሓቆሃ ላካርዪ ብእምነት እባ ላራሰቶ ገሰት ። ከንተባይ ነጋሲ እግል ኣዛዚ ሑሁ እታ ኣካን እግል ልቅቦሮ ምን ሓዞው ከልኤዮም ። ለግናዘት ሑሁ ዳማ እት ልቃጥር እንዶ ናስኣ እት ቤልታ ቃብረዪ ። እሊ በኤስ እት ምግብ ክልኦት ሓው ዐድ ገብሬስ ቱ ለገቢእ ዐላ
ሓቆ እሊ ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ውድ ህብቴስ ፣ ማርባት ሑሁ እግል ላቅሳን ስካብ ኢራክባ። ቁሩብ እንዶ ጸንሓ ዲብ ራእሲ ዓድ ተክላይ ገሳ ። ከእግል ራእሲ ኣሉላ ዓስከር ሃበኒ ቤሎ ፣ ኩሉ ለዝሙት እግልካ ቱ ዎ ኣና ማርባት ሑየ ኣግል ዓቅስን ቱ ቤሎ ። ራእሲ ኣሉላ ሄየ እብ ዝምት ሰበት ነብር ለዐላ ሰኒ ቤሎ ። ዎ ዓስከር ሀበዪ ። ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ዓስከሩ ናስኣ ዎ ኩሉ ለዓዶታ እብ ቀትለት ሑሁ ለሓማዩ ጂን ኣፍጋራ ምኑ ። ብዙሕ ንዋይ ዎ ኣዳም ኣብዳ ልትበሄል ። ለሕላየት ኖሳ ለሳጃዓት ዎ ላ ሓጣራት ናይ ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ተኣሽር እልኩም ።
ገረማርያም ውድ ገብራይ እግል ከንተባይ ነጋሲ ክእና እት ልብል ሓለዪ ፡
ገለ ተኣምሪ ብካዩ ፤ ወለት ሀዋ መምባኪ
ሓምዴሁ ክት ሚ ተኣምሪ ፣ ምን ልትነደቅ ለጎይላኪ
ዐስር ክልኣት ቱ ለኣልባቡ ፤ እት ሰይጣቱ ለላጥዕ
ህቶም ቶም ለእቦም ልትገዐዝ ፣ ከጊጉይ ኢኮን ወናሲ
ለዳራት ከደን ኣብጻሓዩ ፣ ከኢትርካባ እብ ሓዚ
ፈጂር ፈጂር ዐድ ተክላይ ፣ ገበይ ሓሊቡ ታ ለሃዲ
ለደብር ጋድም በልሰዪ ፣ ጣርቃ ዲቡ መናግእ
ለልገት እንዶ ሼሽያ ፣ ካየደዋ ክም ባጽዕ
ዲብ ሚ ቱ እሊ መናሳቅ ፣ ለኣግዋፍ ሳብክ ቱ ወሓጊ
በኪት ፋዳ ዕዳዪ ፣ ሓቆ ሞታ ኣዛዚ
እግል ኣዛን ግሄና ፣ ለእሉ ጣልቅ ነጋሲ
ነሓምዮ ሓደምበስ ፣ ምን ኣቡሁ ኢናስእ
እብ ግሳዩ ልጻገም ፤ ባርጅ ኢኮን ወሓሲ
ሜስ ታ ከብድ ከንቴባይ ፣ ጽረይ ኢኮን ወስልቃ
በሓር ታ ከብድ ከንቴባይ ፣ መሓምሳይ ከኣፎ ቃውሳ
ሸር ላሃባ ልክልኣና ፣ ትልዔ ቤተት ከብድካ
ሓቆ ጻላም ወኣዛዚ ፣ እብ ሚ ትበርድ ነፍስካ
ሓቆ ፈጂር ሽግርድብ ፣ ውሉድ ሚ ቡ ምስልካ
ኣድግ ወከራይ ቱ ጋብኣኩም ፤ ቤት ኣቡካ ወእንታ
ኣምዕል ምስሎም ትትሃጌ ፣ ላሊዲ በና ታ ከብድካ
ጋር ለሞታ ኣለብካ ፣ ለገናይዞታት ላድዳ
ጋር ለገዐዛ ኣላብካ ፣ ለፈጀር ፈጂር ተሓንፍሳ
ጋር ለዝሙት ኣላብካ ፣ ምንማ ለወራር ደግሳ
ቅርቢት እት እንታ ለሬመት ፣ ገያድ ሚ ቡ በልሳ
ጽሪት እንታ ለደዐከት ፣ ጽሙእ እንታ ተሓልፋ
መሰል ለበሀለት ዕምዴናይ ታ ፣ ክብድት ለቀላል ሽፍጋ ።
ላዐቅም ናይ ላ ሔልያይ ዎ ጣዐም ናይላ ሕላየት እግል ተኣምሮ ደፋእ እትብሎ ኣንቡቦ።
ኣሳሱ ምን ኩቱብ ካርል ጉስታቨ ቱ ላትራካባ ቱ ።
ክብሮም ግረነት ።
9/25/2015
Radio Voice of Librty - Sweden Sep.23, 2015
Written by Radio Voice of Liberty Sweden
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ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሓው መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ብ26 መስከረም 2015 ምስ መላእ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ንሱ ኣብቲ ብኤክትሮኒካዊ መንገዲ (ብፓልቶክ) ዘካየዶ ኣስታት 4 ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ኣኼባኡ ብሓፈሻ ንመስርሕ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰደህኤ ብዝርዝር ገሊጹ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ንሓፈሻዊ መስርሕ ኣጸዳድቓን ትሕዝቶን ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮን ቅዋምን ሰልፊ ዝምልከት ዓሚቝ መብርሂ ሂቡ። ምስዚ ኣተሓሒዙ መስርሕ ኣመራርጻ መሪሕነትን ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነታትን ዝምልከት’ውን ኣብሪሁ። ብዘይካዚ እቲ ኣብ 2ይ ጉባአ ዝተመርጸ 33 ቀወምትን 4 ተጠባበቕትን ኣባላት ዘለዉዎ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ናብ ስሩዕ ስርሑ ቅድሚ ምእታዉ ከካየዶ ዝጸንሐ ምድላዋትን ዝሓንጸጾም ናይ ዝተፈላለያ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት ትልምታትን ፈጸምቲ ኣካላትን ዝምልከት ሰፊሕን ዝርዝራውን መገለጺ ሂቡ።
ድሕሪ እዚ ዝርዝራዊ ሓበሬታዊ መብርሂ፡ መድረኽ ሕቶን መልስን ምስተኸፍተ፡ ተሳተፍቲ ነቲ ዝተዋህቦም መብርሂ መሰረት ገይሮም ዝተፈላለዩ ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም ኣዕጋቢ መልስታት እውን ተዋሂብዎም። ካብቶም ኣብ መድረኽ ሕቶን መልስን ብሓያሎ ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ዝያዳ ቆላሕታ ዝተዋህቦም ዛዕባታት ፖሊሲ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ምሕያል ውሽጣዊ ሰልፋዊ ዓቕሚ፡ ሓድነት ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ዝምልከትን ኣተገባብራኡን፡ ኣድላይነት ተሳትፎ መንእሰያትን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ዝምልከቱ እቶም ቀንድታት ነይሮም።
ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ነዞም ሕቶታት ናይ ሰልፊ ፖሊስን ዝተሓልፈ ተመኩሮታትን መሰረት ብምግባር ክምልስ እንከሎ፡ ሰልፊ ናይ ምሕያል ሓላፍነት ንዝተወሰነ መሪሕነታዊ ኣካል ዝግደፍ ዘይኮነስ ብጻዕርን ተወፋይነትን ኩሎም ኣባላት ከም ዝረጋገጽ ገሊጹ። ጉዳይ ሓድነት ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ብደረጃ ጉባአ ይኹን ናይ መሪሕነት ኣኼባታት ዝያዳ ግምት ተዋሂብዎ ብደቂቕ ክዝተየሉ ከም ዝጸንሐ ብምጥቃስ ሰልፊ ኣብዚ ዛዕባዚ ዘለዎ ውህሉል ተመኩሮ ኣብ ግምት ኣእትዩ ብሓድሽ ኣገባብ ክሰርሓሉ ተዳልዩ ከም ዘሎ ኣነጺሩ። እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ፡ ናይ መንእሰይ ተሳትፎ ኣብዚ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ መተካእታ ከም ዘየብሉ ብምርዳእ ኣብ ጉባአ ዝያዳ ቆላሕታ ካብ ዝተዋህቦም ዓበይቲ ጉዳያት ከም ዝነበረ ኣረጋጊጹ።
ኣብ መወዳእታ እዚ ብህድኣትን ሓላፍነታዊ ስምዒትን ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ፡ ተሳተፍቲ ኣብ ዝሃብዎ ርኢቶታት፡ ምስ ውድባት ዝግበር ርክባት ጥንቁቕን ኣብ መጽናዕቲ ዝተመርኮሰን ክኸውን፡ መሪሕነት ንመሰረታት ውድብ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ከንቀሳቕሶም፡ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ብወገኖም ኣብዚ ወሳኒ ኣዋን ኣበርክተኦም ከዛይዱ ቅሩባት ምዃኖም ኣነጺሮም። ኣቦመንበር ብወገኑ ኣኼባ ከጠቓልል እንከሎ፡ ነቲ ዝነበረ ተሳትፎን ዝተዋህበ ሃናጺ ሓሳባትን ኣመስጊኑ፡ እቲ እንብህጎን ንቃለሰሉ ዘለናን ዕላማ ንክዕወት ናይ ኩሉ ኣባልና ቀጻሊ ተሳትፎን ዘይሕለል ጻዕርን ዝያዳ ክሕይል ጸዊዑ።
27 መስከረም 2015
“ዕዉር እንታይ ትደሊ ብርሃን፡ ነጋዳይከ ደሓን” ዝብል ምስላን ዓሚቝ ትርጉም ዘለዎን ንኩላትና ብሩህን’ዩ ዝብል ግምት ኣለና። ብመንጽር እዚ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ “ህዝብና እንታይ’ዩ ዝደሊ?” ኢልና ክንሓትት ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እዚ ሕቶዚ ቅድሚ ሕጂ’ኳ ዝተላዕለ እንተዀነ፡ ክሳብ እቲ ግቡእ መልሱ ዝረክብ ክደጋገም ግድን ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ነልዕሎ ዘለና። እቲ ናይዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ናይ መወዳእታ መልሲ ካብቲ ህዝቢ እዩ ዝርከብ። ኣብ ሓደ ጉዳይ ካብቲ በዓል ቤት ዝያዳ ዝፈልጥ ስለ ዘየለ። እቲ መልሱ ኣብቲ ዝነብሮ ዘሎ ኩነታት ክምስረት ናይ ግድን እዩ። ነቲ ህዝብና ዝነብሮ ዘሎ ኩነታት ብዕምቈት ናይ ዝገምገመን ብቕንዕና ናይ ዝተረደአን ኣካል መልሲ ነዚ ሕቶ “ሎሚ ህዝብና፡ ሰላም፡ ዕቤት፡ ደሞክራሲ፡ ምኽባር ኩሉ መሰላትን ህዱእ ጉርብትናን እዩ ዝደሊ” ዝብል እዩ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ ዝብል እምነት ኣለና።
እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ እዋናዊ መልሲ ንህልዊ ሕቶ ህዝብና፡ ህያው ንክኸውን እቲ ነዚ ባህጊ ህዝብና ዘይቅበል ኤርትራዊ ባይታ ኣቐዲሙ ክምድመድ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ነቲ ናይ ግድን ዝኾነ ምምድማድ ከይተቐበልካን ኣብ ምትግባሩ ዓቕምኻ ዝፈቕደልካ እምኒ ከይደርበኻን ምጽባይ ግና እቲ ድሌት ሕልሚ ኮይኑ እዩ ዝተርፍ። እቲ ክምድመድ ዝግበኦ መንግዲ ዓወት ዝረጋገጽ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍን ፖለቲካዊ ባይትኡን ጽሂኻ ብምጉሓፍ ጥራይ እዩ። ህዝብና እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገልጸ ድሌቱ ንክረጋገጽ ቅድም ህልውና ህግደፍ ከኸትም ከም ዝግበኦ ኣዳዕዲዑ ይፈልጥ እዩ። ከምቲ ኣብ ተመኩሮኡ ነጻነት ንክረጋገጽ መግዛእቲ ክውገድ ናይ ግድን ዝነበረን ብኸምኡ ዝተቓነዐን ማለት እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ከምቲ ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝተኸሎ ኣጽፋር ከይተነቕለ ናጻ ኤርትራ ምውናን ዘይተኻእለ፡ ኣጽፋር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከይተማሕወ ራህዋን ቅሳነትን ከም ዘይርከብ ይፈልጥ እዩ። ምናልባት ግና ኩነታት ስለ ዘጸገሞን ኣእዳዉ ስለ ዝሓጸረን፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ክንድቲ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ዘርኣዮ ኣበርክቶ፡ ዝባኑ ቀሊዑ ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ተሳትፎ ከርኢ ብዘይምኽኣሉ ህዝብና ነዚ መትሓጃ ዘየብሉ ዘበን ህግደፍ ርዒምዎ ከይከውን ዝሰግኡ ወገናት ይህልዉ ይኾኑ። ብእምነትና ግና ብዘይካ ብኣጻብዕ ዝቑጸሩ ብሰንኪ ተንኮል እቲ ጉጅለ ዝደንዘዙ፡ ወዮ ደላይ ፍትሒ፡ ማዕርነት፡ ሰላምን ልምዓትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ዝነብሮ ዘሎ ሕማቕ ዘበን ሓንጎፋይ ኢሉ ክቕበሎ ፈጺምካ ዘይሕሰብ እዩ።
“እቲ ቀንዲ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልን፡ ናይቲ ለውጢ ቀዳማይ ተጠቃምን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ፡ እቲ ሓቀኛ ለውጢ ከዓ ካብ ውሽጢ’ዩ።” ክንብል እንከለና፡ ካብዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገልጸ ጽንዓትን ተወፋይነትን ህዝብና ነቒልና ኢና። እቲ ካብ ውሽጢ እዩ እንብሎ ለውጢ ምእንቲ ከድምዕ፡ ምስቲ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ዝግበር ዘሎ ለውጢ ናይ ምምጻእ ኣህላኺ መስርሕ ክናበብ ከም ዝግበኦ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን። ኣቲ ናይ ግዳምን ናይ ውሽጥን ናይ ለውጢ ማዕበላት ክናበብን ከመላላእን እንተዘይክኢሉ ግና፡ እቲ ገዛኢ ጉጅለ ኣብቲ ሃጓፍ ኣትዩ ንኸዳኽር ዕድል ስለ ዝህቦ ሓደገኛ እዩ ዝኸውን። ኣብዚ እቲ ምስቲ ኣካላዊ ኣርዑት ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝነብር ዘሎ፡ ንለውጢ ብሃንቀውታ ዝጽበ ህዝብና ክወዳደር እንከሎ፡ ዝምድናዊ ነጻ ኮይንካ ናይ ምውሳእ ዕድል ዘለዎ ኤርትራዊ ሓይሊ ተቓውሞ ዝያዳ እጃምን ሓላፍነትን ከም ዘለዎ ክፍለጥ ዝግበኦ እዩ። “እሞ እዚ ሓይሊዚ ኣብቲ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሉ ቦታን እጃምንዶ ኣሎ?” እዚ እቲ ሓይሊ ተቓውሞ ባዕሉ ክምልሶ ዝግበኦ እዋናዊ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ እዩ።
እዚ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ብደረጃ ሰልፊ፡ ውድብ፡ ማሕበር ወይ’ውን ብውልቂ ዝዋሳእ ዘሎ ሓይልታት ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተረከቦ ዘይልወጥ ውክልና የብሉን። ግን ነናቱ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድሌትን ባህግን ዘንጸባርቕ’ዩ እሞ ጽባሕ ኣነሆ እዚ ናተይ ርኢቶ’ዩ” ኢለ እንተቕሪበሉ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይነጽጎን እዩ ኢሉ ዝኣመነሉ ሓሳብ ኣምሪሑ እዩ ዝቃለስን ዘለዓዕልን። እዚ ህዝባዊ እዩ ኢልካ ዝኣመንካሉ መትከል ኣምሪሕካ ክትውድብ ክትትልምን እንከለኻ ዝካየድ ቅድመ መጽናዕቲ ብዛዕባ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክህሉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ መጽናዕቲ ብጽፈትን ቅንዕናን እንተደኣ ተኻይዱ፡ ምስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ድሌት ምሉእ ብምሉእ ክሰማማዕ፡ ወይ'ውን እቲ ፍልልይ ኣዝዩ ጸቢብ ከምዝኸውን ፍሉጥ እዩ። ንድሌታትን ባህግታትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘንጊዕካ፡ ካብ ናትካ ውልቃዊ ወይ ጉጅላዊ ህርፋን ጥራይ ነቒልካ ምናልባት እውን ዘይኤርትራዊ ተመኩሮ ቀዲሕካ ዝትለም መትከልን ዝካየድ ውደባን ግና ሎሚ ደገፍ ህዝቢ ዘስእን ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ጽባሕ እውን ምስ ህዝቢ ዘራጽም ክኸውን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ጥራይ ደኣ ኣብኡ ንብጻሕ እምበር ህዝቢ ኣበይ ከይበጽሕ ኣገዲድና ርኢቶና ከም ዝቕበል ክንገብር ንኽእል ኢና ዝብል ዓመጸኛ ሓሳባት’ውን ሓሓሊፉ ውሪሕምሪሕ ይብል እዩ።
ከም ሓደ ፖለቲካዊ ትካል፡ ጉዳያት እንዳወዳእካ ክትከዶ ዝግበኣካ ርሕቀት ክሳብ ክንደይ እዩ? እቲ ከም ርኢቶ ክትሕዞን ክትቃለሰሉን እምበር ብዘይተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ኣብ መደምደምታ ከተብጸሖ ዘይትኽእል ዕማምከ ኣየናይ እዩ? ዝብሉ መሰረታዊ ሕቶታት ብግቡእ ምምላስ ናይ ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ሰልፊ ብቕዓት፡ ውሕልነትን ህዝባውነትን ዝምዘነሉ እዩ ተተባህለ ምግናን ኣይኮነን። ንመሰረታውነት ናይዚ ሕቶታት ሸለል ኢልካ ቅድሚት ዝስራዕን ደሓር ዝመጽእን እንዳደዋወስካ፡ ኣብ ጸቢብ ፖለቲካዊ ውደባ ብምኹዳድ፡ ሓደ ጉዳይ ባዕልኻ ወዲእካ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ጉዳዩ ናይ ምውሳን መሰል ነፊግካ ከተመንግጎ ምፍታን ግና ዘይሩ ዘይሩ ካብቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝምረሓሉ ዘሎ ናይ “ባዕለይ ይፈልጠልኩም” ሕማም ዘድሕን ኣይኮነን።
ሎሚ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ብዛዕባ ኣድላይነት ተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ናይ ለውጢ መስርሕ ከይተላዕለ ኣይውዕልን እዩ። ከምዚ ምዃኑ ጽቡቕ እዩ። ብዘይተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ዝዕወት ለውጢ ስለ ዘየለ። ሓደ ጉዳይ ግና ኣሎ። እቶም ናይ ህዝብና ማዕበላዊ ምልዕዓል እንብህግ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ወይ ብኻልእ መልክዕ ዝተወደቡ ኣካላት፡ ምናልባት ናይ ህዝብና ተሳትፎ ኣብ ቃልሲ ከምቲ ንደልዮ ንዘይምዃኑ፡ ጠንቁ ንሕና ከይንኸውንከ ጠርጢርናዶ ንፈልጥ። ንሕና ካብ ምክእኣል፡ ምጽውዋር፡ ፍልልያት ምቕባልን ምምሕዳርን፡ ተሓታትነትን ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ቀዳምነት ምስራዕን ርሒቑና፡ ብኣንጻሩ፡ ምስ ምንጽጻግ፡ ምትሕብባእ፡ ንፍልልይ ብዓይኒ ጽልኢ ምርኣይ፡ ውልቃውን ውድባውን ጉዳይ ቅድሚ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኣብ ምስራዕ እንዳነበርና፡ ህዝቢ ናይ “ምሳኹም ኣለና” ድምጺ ተነፈገናስ እቲ ጠንቂ ንሕና ዲና ህዝቢ? እዚ ኣብ ጉዳይ ዝምድናና ምስ ህዝብን ሕድሕድናን ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ዝለዓል፡ ዝምድናና ምስቶም ቃልስና ንክዕወት ክደጋገፉና እንጽበዮም ኣካላት’ውን በዚ እዩ ክቃነ ዝኽእል። ስለዚ ክንገብሮ እንደልዮን ክኾነልና እንብህጎን ኩሉ፡ ንድሌትን ወሳኒ መሰልን ህዝብና ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወ ክኸውን ናይ ግድነት እዩ። ኣብ ዝኾነ ጽፍሒ ብዛዕባ ናይ ካልኦት ኣበርክቶ ክንሓሳብ ክንጽበን እንከልና፡ “ኣነኸ?” እትብል ሓጻርን መሰረታዊትን ሕቶ ከይንዝንግዕ ሓደራ።
26 መስከረም 2015
Part II: The Myth of Sanctions against Eritrea
I chose this issue as a separate topic because it exemplifies the twisted nature of politics. The irony of the UNSC sanction is that both the regime and opposition see political benefits in maintaining the sanctions. When examined closely, the purpose and effectiveness of the UNSC sanctions have been distorted to fit the target audience. Contrary to his public lamentations, DIA is using sanctions to further justify his oppressive rule, while the opposition see that sanctions will weaken the regime. DIA needs plausible justification to oppress the population, while opposition needs ever more oppression to ignite, hopefully, a popular uprising, while the world pretends to do something by imposing an empty sanction. Moreover, the regime needs a cause to rally its dwindling supporters. The regime’s latest propaganda is, ‘the US and West hates us, and has never accepted us as an independent country, and wants to shove us back into Ethiopia by punishing us economically. We shall overcome as we always have done.’
1. History and Effectiveness of Sanctions (in general)
The use of international sanctions, i.e. diplomatic and trade, is a recent phenomenon, which arose from the creation of organized international institutions such as the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU), along with tremendous growth in trade and economic integrations in post second world war era.
Before this period, countries engaged in a form of self-sanction, or isolationism, such as China in 1371 under Ming Dynasty which banned maritime shipping, and Japan in the 1650s under Tokugawa shogunate (Sakoku/kaikin policy). In a form of reverse sanctions, Britain forced China to trade in the 1850s, which led to the Opium War and eventually acquiring Hong Kong to achieve its mercantile aims. Similarly, Portugal established its base in Macau for the same purpose. The United States forced Japan to open its trade in 1850s - and told in no uncertain terms that if it failed to open its markets that it faced military consequences. Ironically, it was a century of military threats if countries didn’t open up from their self-imposed sanctions. The less fortunate countries became ‘overseas colonies’. Forcing others to trade was at the heart of medieval mercantile adventures.
Today it is isolating countries, rather than forcing them to engage to trade that has become a modus operandi of international politics. The shift from forcing a nation to trade to withholding trade has been necessitated by changes in international politics, i.e. war as last resort, and due to increased economic integrations of the world. But it is still understood that encouraging isolationist countries to engage is one approach to deal with entrenched and antagonist regimes. China is one example, and current efforts with Iran and Cuba are the latest examples.
It is debatable whether sanctions do work. Under what circumstances do sanctions work? Do sanctions bring about change, i.e. is it about changing regimes or is it about changing the behavior of a regime? Does its effectiveness depend on whether the population is generally active versus pacifist, strong economic class exists, or other factors (or combinations thereof)?
Some examples where sanctions has had some impact
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South Africa
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Iran
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Zimbabwe
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Russia
No Impact
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Cuba
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North Korea
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Saddam’s Iraq
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Syria
One may argue that there are some factors that determine if sanctions may have some impact:
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The sponsors must impose strict sanctions and pursue the sanctions aggressively and wholeheartedly, as the UK did with Zimbabwe, the US with Iran, and the US and EU with Russia and South Africa.
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The targets of the sanctions are governed by ‘opportunist dictators’ than ‘ideologue dictators’, and face some degrees of public pressure to alleviate adverse economic conditions and are willing to address them to certain degrees.
2. Background on Sanctions against Eritrea
DIA and its spin-masters would like us believe that the UNSC sanctions is a U.S. (our bogeyman / hoongoogoo) plot to strip away our sovereignty and give us away to those evil Woyanes like they did to us in the 1950s. What a crap!
The hard fact is that the UNSC sanction against Eritrea is because of the regime’s PATTERN of belligerent behaviour over almost two decades that even Russia and China, members with veto powers, couldn’t condone and thus allowing the sanction to pass. China and Russia insisted a watered down version more out of fear of precedence than concern for the Eritrean regime.
The 2009 Eritrea-Somalia sanctions, UNSC Resolutions # 1907 and #2023, were imposed ostensibly due to active meddling in the internal Somali, Djibouti, and possibly Ethiopian political affairs. Of course, all nations have rights to pursue their national interests, but only in smart way lest it becomes self-destructive. As a nation way down the international political food chain, political prudence goes a long way to achieve both short- and long-term national interests.
Even the most politically naive can surmise that the regime has been actively accosting diplomatic, political, and supposedly economic sanctions against itself. It sought, and continues to seek, needless confrontations with regional and international interest groups, nations and organizations over IssacDawit, Djibouti, and Somalia - while trying to cozy up with rogue regimes.
At the risk of being repetitive, it is worth reminding like a tired television commercial, that DIA’s belligerent politics has resulted in,
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Loss of Hanish Islands to Yemen: islands that were in possession of Eritrea historically (and Ethiopia while it occupied Eritrea). Worse is Eritrea losing the fishing and other rights associated with water territory!
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Conflict with Ethiopia resulting in loss of over 20,000 precious Eritreans, two-to-three times that many injured in this needless war. One of the Eritrea’s heroes, Min. BerakiGhebresilase, had voiced prudent approach to handling the situation but fell on deaf ears of the regime. Although DIA wants to tell us that we gained Badme, in reality, Eritrea lost most of the lands that belonged to it under colonial treaties and enshrined in the AU founding documents.
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Conflict with Djibouti, which eventually nudged the UNSC, which includes China, to impose sanctions.
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Meddling, which is different than constructively engaging, in Somali politics, resulting in UN sanctions.
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Belligerent tones towards the West, esp. the US, regional and international organizations - and everything in-between.
The latest news that Al Jazeera staff were released in Egypt after “Presidential Pardon” is just one example how astute politicians with a well formed agenda play their hands in international politics. For example, releasing IssacDawit would have the regime’s cause with Sweden, albeit Sweden hasn’t done much, and the EU in general. They would all have removed that one small stone out of their shoes, but PIA insists on imprisoning IssacDawit although he poses absolutely no risk to the regime. One can only surmise that DIA is pursuing self-isolationism by antagonizing the rest of the world with whatever little way he can - and in the process destroy everything Eritrea and Eritrean. It is sadism at its zenith.
Examining the sanctions themselves, despite the regime’s ever louder complaints of the UN sanctions, in reality, UNSC sanctions have been symbolic rather than having any noticeable impact on the regime.
With undying hope of becoming a regional super-power, ‘goblel’, at least, in the Horn of Africa, and eternally hoping to become the next darling of the US, DIA is pursuing Pyrrhic Victory to annihilate Ethiopia and take the mantle. DIA was forced to retract into its shells after its Somalia agenda was utterly defeated and discredited. However, now that DIA has found some hope that his involvement with the ‘coalition’ against the Houthis in Yemen would give him some leverage that he has boldly and publicly welcomed Dr. BerhanuNega of GINBOT 7. DIA is gambling that he has now some leeway to interfere in Ethiopia’s domestic politics because he is more valuable politically to the Middle Eastern crisis, and also to take advantage of the recent Ethiopian election. Unfortunately for DIA, and probably fortunately for everybody else, TPDM’s defections has thrown a monkey wrench into DIA’s plans to torch the entire Horn of Africa. Still, DIA’s undying belief in gunboat diplomacy, where he is receiving cash and oil from Sudan, Egypt, Iran ,Gulf States, and who knows who else, in exchange for offering a mercenary army and access to our territory is the root cause of Eritrean suffering. His policies are predicated on one belief, that “Might is Right” in dealing with the Eritrean population as well as the world.
Although not all conflicts were started by DIA, his opponents understood his reckless disregard for rule-of-law and international politicking and thus giving them carte-blanche to advance their political agenda before an accountable regime is established in Eritrea. In his many interviews, which have become rare lately, DIA wants to project an image of a well-meaning guy who is misunderstood by everybody. Even if one assumed so, the job of a well-meaning leader isn’t to run a nation as his personal fiefdom and run a socio-economic and politics experiments to the detriment of everybody else who subjected to unnecessary and indefinite cruelty. In other words, no amount of well-meaning intentions can excuse human right abuses.
As a result of DIA’s PATTERN of disruptive and destructive behavior, the UNSC - which includes CHINA and RUSSIA passed the following resolutions,
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S/RES/1907 (2009) passed on December 23, 2009 and imposes the following sanctions
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Arms embargo
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Travel ban
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Asset Freeze
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S/RES/2023 (2009) passed on December 05, 2011 expands on the Resolution 1907
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Cessation from collecting “Diaspora Tax” under CERTAIN CIRCUMSTANCES (section 11 of the resolution)
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Due diligence in dealing with the Eritrean mining sector (sections 13 and 14). Due diligence is open to wide interpretations.
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There are corresponding legislations by EU, Australia and other countries.
III Effects of Sanctions on Eritrea
After attempting to downplay the effects of sanctions at the beginning, DIA has now embraced the so-called sanctions against Eritrea as yet another tool in his endless and tiring political propaganda. But in reality, the sanctions may have affected DIA diplomatically but nothing else. The impact of diplomatic isolation might be to shift from the regime’s ostensible campaign to finalize the physical demarcation of the border to DIA’s destabilizing role in the region, but this diplomatic isolation is, wittingly or unwittingly, DIA’s choosing.
1. Military hardware sanctions(arms embargo) against the regime has NO impact on the regime. It doesn't have the budget and hard currencies to buy military hardware anyway. In fact, it may be selling its armaments to raise hard currency. If ever it needs to buy armaments, it can do so clandestinely in the black markets.
Impact of military hardware sanctions: nil
2. Diplomatic sanctions(travel ban) have been embarrassingly non-existent. After voting to impose sanctions on high-level regime officials, no country has imposed on any regime official six years later. To the contrary, regime officials have been allowed to freely travel to many countries without any form of restrictions, except possibly to and within the US. This is in contrast, for instance, to Zimbabwe where the UK imposed strict limitations and forced other EU members to follow. The US did put Mr. YemaneGebreab on the list but is still allowed to travel to United Nations in New York because of an agreement with the UN when establishing its headquarters in New York.
Impact of diplomatic sanction: NIL (US travel restrictions within the US for Eritrean diplomats is an eye-for-an-eye for the Eritrean regime’s actions.)
3. Economic sanctions against the regime consists of a couple of countries curtailing the 2% Diaspora Tax and putting unspecified limitations on the mining sector. Despite being mentioned in the sanctions, not all nations enforce it, and is done in duplicitous manner. For instance, Canada expelled the Eritrean representative over illegal collection of 2% to fund illegal activities, and yet a Canadian mining company, Nevsun, still operates in Eritrea pouring billions of dollars into DIA coffers while violating international laws against slavery.The Eritrean dictatorship has been allowed to earn hundreds of millions (nearly $1 billion in US) in 4 years. The same with other countries such as the UK and Australia. One may even surmise that banning the 2% is designed to force the regime to allow foreign companies to extract minerals; thus for their own interests.
Pertaining to the ‘Diaspora Tax’, the wordings in the resolution states that the regime can’t coerce or force Eritreans to pay it. Strictly speaking, it doesn’t even prevent voluntary payments. Does requiring Eritreans to pay for services considered ‘coercing’? The vague nature of the resolution, or no subsequent clarifications, has rendered the sanctions toothless. The fact remains that those Eritreans who have personal affairs to attend to back in Eritrea must somehow pay it. As such, this specific sanction can only be referred to as an ‘inconvenience’ sanction. Inconvenience has its functions, but in this particular case, it is not effective enough.
Impact of economic sanction: almost NIL (more inconvenience than being effective)
It is worth reiterating that economic hardships in Eritrea is totally and absolutelyself-inflicted. For instance remittances have been falling because DIA
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Has banned private construction of housings
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Has practicallybanned all private enterprise
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Purposely abandoning public projects (Chinese finance in Ethiopia for instance) including infrastructure, Free Port/Zone, and others. The regime's behavior is judged within its pattern of behavior soon after independence rather than post UNSC sanctions.
In addition, DIA is creating high inflation by printing money and thus devaluing the currency. As Eritreans find that their wages and salaries are being eroded while rent and food prices going up, this feeds into rampant corruption. All this feeds into chaotic system that is destroying the country.
4. Asset Freeze - No impact as no official has been designated yet, as is for the travel ban.
Trade Sanctions - there is no trade sanctions, except some due diligence in dealing with mining sector as discussed above, on Eritrea. However, even if there was trade sanctions, it would have had little impact on Eritrea because DIA has deliberately stifled the private sector in Eritrea, which would have been the source of export for Eritrea. Similarly, Eritrea's imports, which is not under sanctions, is minimal limited to food and energy, and the rest being so negligible on the world scale, that it would be useless to sanction. Moreover, there is no need to impose formal trade sanctions as the regimes reckless economic governance is leading to total collapse of its currency, making imports too expensive for ordinary Eritreans.
World Bank, IMF, China and Eritrea
DIA propaganda machinery tells us implicitly that Eritrea's economic woes is due to international sanctions preventing it from obtaining funds from World Bank, IMF and other international organizations and states.
But DIA's policy of self-reliance and self-sufficiency (more like self-destruction), remnant of old communist and Maoist beliefs, has been the main culprit in isolating itself from engaging with international organizations. The main reason for shunning these organizations isn't because DIA is averse to borrowing, but doesn't want the West to use 'indebtedness' as political leverage against him. Otherwise, PIA is probably astute enough to know his deeply held belief in Maoism hasn't even worked in its home county, but the hoopla of 'self-sufficiency' is being used to sustain its repressive policies.
If DIA had really wanted to engage in economic development, he would have dealt with China, NOT the US, EU, World Bank. China is fuelling most of African and Asian, and now South American, economic growth. China is not averse with dealing with the most repressive regimes, internationally sanctioned countries, or any regime operating outside international norms. It is DIA that is shunning China. Whenever DIA needed China, from stashing away millions, if not billions, of dollars of unaccounted and stolen Eritrean money, to repairing the Hirgigo Power Plant, to building the Gedem Cement Factory, China has been there whenever DIA needed China.
Of course, the US, France and other Western countries have sector specific grants available for third world countries such as for energy (electricity) developments, which Eritrea could have tapped into if it wasn’t for DIA’s ideological rigidity entangled with his ego. There are now rumours that the EU is set to grant over $200 million for economic developments in Eritrea - probably out of misguided belief that the regime can be bribed into stemming down the Eritrean refugee crisis. Throwing money at ideologue dictators is like throwing into the wind.
Graver Political Developments than Sanctions & the Outdated Westphalian Treaty
Tired of continuous wars in Europe, its monarchs and leaders met in the Town of Westphalia in the year 1648 to formulate a new principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states. Before 1648, European nations invaded others on whimsical excuses that put the continent on perpetual war footing. Nearly 300 years later, the UN and later the AU (OAU) adopted the same principles of non-interference as the cornerstone of international diplomatic relations and conduct of nations and international brotherhood.
However, the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign countries has been modified in the last few years, especially after the 1994 Rwandan genocide when the world powers realized adverse events in a sovereign country impacts other countries directly through refugee crises and indirectly through the collective consciousness of people as unified human beings. Should be ignore the immense sufferings of other people just because they live across artificial borders? Of course, there are dangers of using human rights violations to interfere in the internal politics of sovereign countries.
Post-1994 Rwanda, the general consensus is that the world, as represented by the United Nations, UN Security Council - and even regional groupings such as ECOWAS have the moral and political obligations to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign countries if violations consisted of genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes - and even coups against democratically elected governments. These international groups may use sanctions or force to pre-emptively prevent mass human sufferings or to restore political stability. ECOWAS, for instance, has played effective roles in restoring and stabilizing political situations in Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso and elsewhere. Moreover, the recent coup in Burkina Faso met swift reactions from the Peace & Security Council of the AU and West African nations.
It is also worth noting that during the latest UN Human Rights Council meeting over Eritrea, the Representative of Ghana echoed this very same sentiment. The Ghanaian representative stated that although the AU founding principlesare based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other member states, i.e. Westphalia model,African leaders have also come to understand that to promote African democracy, and hence to realize socio-economic growth,that African leaders must now believe in the principle of non-indifference.
Ironically, despite DIA's complaints of foreign interference in the internal affairs of Eritrea, DIA, as die hard Maoist follower and ardent disciple of communist thoughts, is the biggest subscriber of the principle of non-indifference. DIA's fingerprints are all over Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, Djibouti, Yemen, DR Congo, (Great Lakes) and other countries. Political hypocrisy is to complain when others interfere in your internal affairs, but justify interference in affairs of other countries as necessities of security, to help our brotherly neighbors, or for some other high sounding but ultimately for self-serving reasons.
Opposing Sanctions
Although the opposition camp supports sanctions as way of, ostensibly, diminishing the legitimacy of the regime, but at the same time, it is predicated on increasing hardship on the general public that could spark public uprising. Unfortunately, as stated above, the UNSC sanctions is toothless. Unless the world body imposes severe, and ever increasing, sanctions against an oppressive regime, as was done with Zimbabwe, Iran, Russia, and others, these sanctions have no effect. As shown above, the sanctions against Eritrea is in name only. As the regime is not democratically elected and cares less for domestic or world opinion, it doesn’t even suffer from the stigma.
DIA is someone who believes that he can get away with anything and that one day - either of his own choosing or fate - things will change and that all the pain and sufferings of the past will be forgotten like the morning mist.
In my view, the opposition should NOT indefinitely support empty sanctions as a victory against the regime. There is no hypocrisy in welcoming sanctions at first and then call for it to be rescinded if it no longer serves a purpose, or runs against one’s political strategy - if there is one. In other words, if the world body isn’t serious enough to impose tough sanctions that will bring about change, then it should lift sanctions, and thus depriving the regime of the propaganda that the world, and esp. the US, is trying to strip Eritrea of its nationhood.
Having observed the nature of dictatorial regimes, which are replete with historical observations, one may even argue that forcing the regime to open up economically, as is being done with the mining sector, is the better route to address Eritrea’s woes than pursuing the strangulation route. More than anyone, it is PIA who is politically allergic to any form of socio-economic development because growing wealth will necessarily lead to calls for socio-economic reforms. Moreover, openness in today’s world means greater integrations with the world, which, again, lead to calls for socio-economic reforms. Thus, one may argue, either the West should impose serious and severe sanctions against the regime, or force the regime to open up economically - not unlike middle and late medieval China and Japan, which were forced to trade and thus ending their isolationist policies. Similar questions are raised over Cuba which has remained isolated for over half-a-century.
In fact, as will be discussed later, many roads lead to Rome, [as in all], and it is not necessarily the politics of destruction, isolationism, division, and other negative acts that will only get us to our destination. We do NOT need to be the mirror reflection of the regime, or react in tit-for-tat manner. If so, the regime has control over us. Our every political approach should evaluated dispassionately and purely on the merits of its outcome and based on the very principles we want to project. Nothing more, nothing less!
The opposition camp should be flexible and strategically oriented enough to adjust its political position to advance its cause. Equally, the opposition camp would require strong communication to avoid appearing to be dithering or equivocating. Our position to the world body (UN) should be, either get serious enough with the sanctions or rescind it.
Ultimately, the current toothless sanctions regime may have value to the Ethiopian government only, which allows it to pre-empt any pressures to resolve the border issue. Others concerns, such as interference in Somali affairs, have now subsided as the wings - not just the feathers - have been clipped off of the Eritrean Pol Pot regime.
Lifting sanctions doesn’t necessarily end opposition camp’s efforts to isolate the regime. There are still other avenues, including through UN & AU Human Right Councils, to address many of the regime’s abuses as manifested by the refugee crisis, slavery campaigns, and other national local legal avenues available to pursue. We are only limited by our imagination, pooled resources, and determination in pursuing other effective legal avenues. One may surmise that the fact there is a UN sanction on the regime would embolden other jurisdictions to take tougher stance on the regime, but this is not supported by facts. Conversely, one may fret that lifting the sanctions regime would weaken other efforts to weaken the regime. For example, the recent heavy COIE criticism of the regime would still not have changed even if sanctions were not imposed. The COIE was established because of the epic level Eritrean refugee crisis. It is the West’s shot across the bow to warn the regime to stem the tides of Eritrean refugees. If this tide continues, the regime WILL be officially accused of crimes-against-humanity - regardless of any other efforts because it directly threatens the West’s interests.
Having understood that the West, and similarly with the Ethiopian government, will not do one iota more than what is for their ultimate interests, it is time we engage in a constructive debate and then formulate policies and action plans that reflect political reality.
Of course, we should be glad to have wedo-geba.net quote us on this one!
BerhanHagos
September 25, 2015
ብልቢ እነፍቕሮን ዘፍቅረናን ሓውና፡ ኣቦና ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል ብሞት ካብ ዝፍለየና ኣብ ዝምጽእ ታሕሳስ ዓሰርተ ዓመት ክኾኖ ኢዩ። እዚ ካብ ግዜ ንእስነቱ ጀሚሩ፡ ደኺመ ከይበለ፡ ብዘይ ዕረፍቲ፡ ምእንቲ ራህዋን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ህዝቡን ሃገሩን ዝተቓለሰ ሓውን ኣቦን፡ ብኣካል ንስኣኖ ምበር ስራሑን ሞያኡን ታሪኹን ምሳና ብምህላዉ ሕቡናት ኢና። ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ብመደብ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ እዋን ኢዩ፡ ብ17 ታሕሳስ 2005 ብሃንደበት፡ ብሕማም ልቢ ካብዛ ዓለም ተፈልዩ። ኣስከሬኑ ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ናብ ሆላንድ ብምምጻእ ቤተ-ሰቡን ስድራ ቤቱን ብዙሓት መቃልስቱን ፈተውቱን ኣብ ዝተረኽብሉ ብ30 ታሕሳስ 2005 ኣብ ፍላርዲንገን ከባቢ ሮተርዳም ሓመድ ኣዳም ለቢሱ።
ብኣጋጣሚ ናይ ዓሰርተ ዓመቱ፡ ንእነፍቅሮ ኣቦናን ሓውናን ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዑቕባሚካኤል እንዝክረሉ መደብ፡ ንቀዳም 19 ታሕሳስ 2015 ኣዳሊና ስለዘሎና፡ ኣብዚ መዓልቲ ዚ ምሳና ክትውዕሉን ዘሎኩም ዝኽሪታት ከተካፍሉን ንኩሉኹም ፈተውትን መቃልስትን ስውእ ስዩም ብክብሪ ንዕድመኩም።
መደብ ናይቲ መዓልትን፡ ኣድራሻ ናይቲ ቦታን ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ክስዕብ ኢዩ።
ስድራ ቤት ስዉእ ተጋዳላይ ስዩም ዕቕባሚካኤል
