Organizing Global Diaspora Eritrean Civil Society Movement- what does it mean?

ኣድላይነት ናይ ምጥርናፍ ኤርትራዊ ሕዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ካብቲ ኣብ ናይ  ጀነቫ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ ንምድጋፍ ኮምስዮን ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዝተራእየ ናይ ሕዝቢ ተሳታፍነት፣ ቀጺሉ ድማ ኣብ ከተማ ንዩዮርክ ዝተራእየ ተሳታፍነት ናይ ሕዝቢ ኢዩ፣ ነዚ ምልዕዓል ንቅጽልን ዝያዳ ኣድማዒ ኮይኑ፣ ሕዝቢ ኣካል ናይዚ ቃልሲ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ክኸውን፣ ናቶም ብርኪ ናይ ሓላፍነትን፣ንክዕወት ድማ ግደኦም ክጻወቱ ዘዕድም ኢዩ፣ እዚ ድማ መር ኣያ ሕዝብና ክሳብ ክንደይ ድልዊ ከምዘሎ ዘር እየና ምልክት ኢዩ። ከምቲ ልሙድ ኣብ ደሞክራስያዊ ስር ዓት ተሳትፎ ሕዝቢ ኣብ ምርጫ ክሳተፍ ከሎ ኢዩ ብዙሕ ግዜ ተሳታፍነት ዝርኤ፣ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታትና ግን ተሳትፍነት ናይ ሕዝቢ ኣብዚ ሕጂ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ካብ ምልክነት ናብ ደሞክራስያ ካብ ብሕጂ ተሳትፎ ኡ ምስ ዘረጋግጽ እቲ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ምልክነት ክርከብ ዝከኣል ሓደጋታት እውን ዕድል ኣይረክብን ደጊሙ ናብ ሓዲሽ ምልክነት ከየመርሕ።

እቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ክካየድ ዝጸንሔ ናይ ሕዝቢ ተሳትፍነት ንምስሓብ ከም ንኣብነት ዋ ዕላታት ፣ ሰሚናራት ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ሃገራት እውን ሓደ መድረኻት ኢዩ ነሩ፣ እዚ ዋዕላታት እዚ ድማ ዕላማታቱ ምትእምማንን፣ ምርግጋጽ ተሳታፍነት ናይ ኩሎም ተዋሳእቲ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ኢዩ ዝነበረ፡፤

እቲ ኣገዳሲ ናይ ተሳታፍነት ወኪል እቲ ብማሕበራዊ ጉዳያት ተመራመርቲ ( Social Scientist)፣ በርገሳዊ ማሕበር (Civil Society) ብዝብል ዝፍለጥ ኢዩ። በርገሳዊ ማሕበር ማለት እኩባት ማሕበራት ኣብ ዝኾነ ማሕበር/ሰብ ዝቅልቀል፣ ነጻ ካብ መንግስቲ ብመሰል ዜጋታቱ ዝጣበቅ ማለት ኢዩ፣ ንሱ ድማ፣ ማሕበር ጠበቃታት፣ ማሕበር ሰብኣዊ መስላት፣  ማሕበር ስፖርተኛታት፣ ናይ ሙያ ማሕበራት፣ ናይ ሰራሕታኛታት ማሕበራት፣ ዝኾነ ምጥርናፍ ብድልየቱን ነጻ ኣቋቁማን ዘለዎም ዝምስርትዎ ኣወዳድባ ኢዩ፡፤ እዚ ኣብ ደንበ ደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ዝድለ ዘሎ ናይ ሕዝቢ ተሳታፍነት ከረጋግጽ ዝኽእል ምስዚ መጽናዕቲ በዞም social scientists ዝቀረበ ክለሳ ሓሳብ ይሰማማዕዶ ወይስ ንድሕሪ ሕጂ እየን ክቆማ ዘለወን፣ ን ኣብነት፣ እቲ ኣብ ቱኒስያ ኣብ ምስግጋር መስርሕ ደሞክራስያ ከም መንጎኛ ኮይኑ ዓቢይ ግደ ዝተጻወተ ማሕበራት፣ ናይ ጠበቃታት ማሕበር፣ ናይ ሰራሕተኛታት ማሕበር፣ ማሕበር ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፣ ኮንፈደራላዊ ማሕበር ኢንዱስትርን ንግድን ማሕበራት ብሳላኦም እቲ ናይ 2011  ብጃስሚን ዝፍለጥ ቃልሲ ንደሞክራስዊ ለውጢ ብሰላም ከምዝሰጋገር ኣኽኢልዎ፣ እምበኣር ግደ በርገሳዊ ምጥርናፍ ዓቢይ ምዃኑ በዚ ኣብነታት እዚ ክንርድኦ ንኽእል፡፤

What is civil Society?

Civil society is the conglomeration of organizations and associations which spring up in any society. They are independent of government or political parties and reflective of the interests of their citizens. They are voluntary and autonomous in their formation. The role of civil society associations in the Eritrean perspective need more academic analysis. The discussions going in Eritrean Paltalks are not based on scientific studies but simple general views of the discussants of the group in each room of talks. Let us instead perform study groups in each resident country where we live.

More on democratization and conflicts in Africa will follow.

ሐደ ደሞክራስያዊ መስርሕ ብዘይ ጥዑይ ተሳታፍነት ክረጋገጽን ክድልድልን ኣይኽእልን፣ በርገሳዊ ማሕበራት ኣብ መንጎ ሕዝብን ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባትን ዝዋሳእ ነጻ ምንቅስቃስ ናይ ሕዝቢ ኢዩ። በዚ ውደባ ናይ በርገሳዊ ምንቅስቃሳት ኣቢሉ ድማ ሕዝቢ ዝሳተፍን፣ ንፖሊቲካዊ  መራሕቲ ወይ መንግስቲ ዝነቅፍን፣ እቲ ናይ በርገሳዊ ምጥርናፍ ሓያልነት ናቱ ነጻ ወሳነታት ምውሳድ ኢዩ፡፤ በዚ ምኽንያትዚ ድማ ኢዩ መስርሕ ምጥርናፍ ኣብ ተሳትፍነት ናይ ሕዝቢ ዓቢይ ግደ ዘለዎ። በርገሳዊ ምንቅስቃሳት ካብ መርሕነታት ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባት ይኹን መንግስቲ መመርሕታት ኣይወስድን፣ በርገሳዊ ምንቅስቃሳት ከም መስኖ ናይ ተሳታፍነትን፣ ከም ኡ ድማ ናይ ምቁጽጻርን፣ ምምዛንን  ንፖሊቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን መንግስትን ኮይኑ ተሓታትነትን፣ ግሉጽነትን ብዘረጋግጽ መገዲ፣ ብፍላይ ድማ ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባት ድኹማትን፣ እቲ ሕዝቢ ዝጠልቦ ከማልኣ ኣብ ዘይኽእላላኡ እዋን ዝነጥፍ ምንቅስቃሳት ናይ ሕዝቢ ማሕበራት ኢዩ።

Civil Socity acts both as a channel for participation and to provide useful checks and balances on political parties and government, ensuring accountability and transparency. The guiding principles in any democratic system are accountability, transparency and participation.

ብስነ/ሓሳብ እቲ ዝምድና ኣብ መንጎ በርገሳዊ ማሕበራትን ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባትን፣ ነንሕድሕዱ ዘሕይል እምበር ዝጻረር ኣይኮነን። በርገሳዊ ምንቅስቃስ ደሞክራስያውነት ዝቅበል ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ ብኣንጻሩ፣ ነቲ መስርሕ ናይ ምስግጋር ካብ ምልክነት ናብ ደሞክራስያ ዘቀላጥፍ ኢዩ፡፤

ፖሊቲካዊ ኣፈታትሓ ጉዳያት ኩሉ ግዜ ብሕዝቢ ምስ ዝውነኑ ዕዉታት ይኾኑ፣ ኣገዲድካ ብሓይሊ እተምጽኦ ፍታሕ ነባሪ ኣይኮነን፣ ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ከምዚ ናትና ካብ ምልክነት ናብ ደሞክራስያ ክሰጋገራ ከለዋ እቲ መስርሕ ንኩሎም ኣኪቡ ዘይኮነስ ንገለ ኣግሊልካ ወይ ገዲፍካ ምስቶም ምሳኻ ዝሰማምዑ ጥራሕ ምስዝኸውን፣ እቶም ኣግሊልካ ዝገደፍካዮም ነቲ መስርሕ ክዕንቅፍዎ ይኽእሉ፣ ሰለዚ መስርሕ ናይ ዘተ ንኩሉ ዝጥርንፍ ክኽውን ኣለዎ፣ እቲ መስርሕ ናይ በርገሳዊ ማሕበራት ኣብዚ መትከል ናይ ኩሉ ዝብል ክምስረት ኣለዎ፡፤

ግደ ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባት ኣብ መርስሕ ምስግጋር ነቲ ኣብ ስልጣን ዘሎ ስርዓት ንምቅያር ይቃለሱ፣ ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባት ማለት ዜጋታት ሃገር ናቶም ፖሊቲካዊ ምርጫታቶም ዘመሓላልፉሉን ዝሳተፉሉን ፖሊቲካዊ ዓውዲ ኢዩ፡፤ እሞ ኣብዚ ግዜዚ ግደ ፖሊቲካዊ ውድባትን በርገሳዊ ማሕበራትን ክልለን ክፍለጥን ኣለዎ፣ ምኽንያቱ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ይኹን ክሳብ ሕጂ እቲ ዝምድናን ኣሰራርሐን ንጹር የለን፣ ክልቲኦም ኣወዳድባን ግደን ከምተወዳደርቲ ክወስድዎ ጸኒሖምን አለዉን፣ እዚ ከምዚ ዓይነት ተረድኦ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፣ ፈሊጥናን ነቂሕናን እንተዘይጸናሕና እቲ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ምልክነት ክንምስርቶ ንደልዮ ናይ ሕዝቢ መንግስቲ ዋሕስና ኣይክረክብን እሞ ሳዕበናቱ ንሕዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝብትን ከይከውን ካብ ሎሚ ጀሚርና፣ እቲ ኣብ ምልዕዓል ናይ ሕዝቢ ኣብ ዳያስፖራ ኤርትራ ንደንበ ተቃውሞ ዘሕይልን ዘሳልጥን፣ ከምኡ ድማ ቅድመ/ኩነት ኣገዳሲ ንምሕናጽ ደሞክራስያዊ ማሕበረ/ሰብ ምዃኑ ብምርዳእ ኣብ ዘዘሎናዮ ሃገራት ዘተ ከነካይድን ክንውድብን መብጽዓ ናይዚ ዓመትዚ ይኹን።

ገለገለ ክኢልታት ዲሞክራሲ ክሰፍን ቅድም-ቀዳድም ቍጣባዊ ልምዓት ክረጋገጽ ኣለዎ ዝብሉ ኣለዎ። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ፡ ቍጠባዊ ልምዓት ኣደ ዲሞክራሲ ኢያ ዝብል እምነት ኣለዎም። ብዙሓት ዲሞክራስያውያን ሃገራት ክብ ዝበለ ቍጠባዊ ልምዓት ዘለወን ሃገራት ስለዝዀና፡ እቲ ኣበሃህላ ገለ ሓቅታት ዘለዎ ይመስል ኢዩ። ከም ቻይናን ስዑዲ ዓረብን ዝኣመሰላ ብቝጠባ ዝበልጸጋ ግን ጨና ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ዝብሃል ዘይብለን ሃገራት ክትርኢ ከለኻ ከኣ፡ ዘይተመለሰ ሕቶታት ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ምህላዉ ይእምተልና።

ብኣንጻሩ፡ ቍጠባዊ ልምዓት ዘይኰነስ፡ ቍጠባዊ ቅልውላዋት ኢዮም ናይ ለውጢ ሞተር ዝብል እምነት ዘለዎም ካልኦት ክኢላታት እውን ኣለዉ። ነዚ ዘረጋግጽ ወይ ዝምስክር ብዙሕ ኣብነታት ምጥቃስ ይከኣል ኢዩ።

ዘውዳዊ ስርዓት ሃይለስላሰ ንኣብነት፡ ብሰንኪ ውግእ ብዝተፈጥረ ቍጠባዊ ቅልውላዋት፥ ጥሜትን ድኽነትን ዘበገሶ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢታት ኢዩ ወዲቑ። እቲ ዝተወደበ ሓይሊ ኣብ’ቲ እዋን’ት ሰራዊት ስለዝነበረ ከኣ፡ ደርጊ ስልጣን ክጭብጥ ክኢሉ።

ኣብ 1997 ኣብ ኣስያ ካብ ዘጋጠመ ቅልውላዋት፡ ንኣብነት ኣብ ኢንዶነዥያ ፖለቲካውን ቍጠባውን ጽገናታት ክኽሰት ገይሩ ኢዩ። ብራዚል ውን ኣብ ሰምንያታት ብዘጋጠመ ቍጠባዊ ቅልውላው ኢያ ካብ ወተሃደራዊ ስርዓት ናብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ክትሰጋገር ዝኸኣለት። መክሲኮ፡ ከም ሳዕቤን ናይ ብ1982 ዘጋጠመ ግዙፍ ዕዳ ዘስዓቦ ቅልውላው ናብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ገጻ ንኸተምርሕ ደፊእዋ። ኣብ ማእከላይ ምብራቕ ድማ፡ ብሰንኪ ናህሪ ዋጋ መነባብሮ ዝተፈጥረ ህዝባዊ ሰውራታት መለኽቲ ስርዓታት ሓደ ድሕሪ ሓደ ክወድቁ ተራእዮም ኢዮም። እዚ ተረኽቦታት’ዚ ናበይ ገጹ ከብል ኢዩ ምክትታል ከድልዮ ኢዩ።

ኣብ ደሳውያን ሃገራት ኣብ መወዳእታ ሰማንያታት ዘጋጠመ ቍጠባዊ ቅልውላዋት፡ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላት ኣስዒቡ፡ ኣብ ምብራቕ ኣውሮጳ ንዝነበሩ መለኽቲ ስርዓታት ሓደ ድሕር’ቲ ካልእ ናብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓታት ክሰጋገሩ ደሪኹ ኢዩ። ድሕሪ ምፍራስ መንደቕ በርሊን፡ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ምብራቕ ኣውሮጳ፡ ላቲን ኣመሪካን ኣፍሪቃን ናብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ተሰጋጊረን ኢየን። ሕጂ ከኣ፡ እቲ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ክዝሕል ይርአ ኣሎ።

ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ ፖለቲካዊ ምስግጋር ኣጸጋሚ ኰይኑ ጸኒሑ ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ፡ ከኣ፡ እቶም መራሕቲ ክሳብ ዝሞቱ ከመርሑ ስለዝደልዩ ኢዮም። ካብ ስልጣነይ ምስ ወረድኩ እንታይ ክኸውን’የ ዝብል ሻቕሎት ከምዘለዎም ዝተገንዘበ፡ ሞ ኢብራሂም ዝተሃህለ በዓል ጸጋ ሱዳናዊ፡ ነቶም ብቅዋም መሰረት ንዝተፈቕደሎም ናይ ስልጣን ዓመታት ወዲኦም ስልጣኖም ዘረክቡ መራሕቲ ክሳብ ዕለተ ሞቶም ዘናብሮም ገንዘብ ብምሃብ ነቲ ኣተሓሳስባ ክቕይሮ ይጽዕር ኣሎ። 

ክሳብ’ዛ ህሞት እዚኣ፡ ብዙሓት መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ክሳብ ዕለት ሞቶም ክመርሑ ዝደልዩ ኣለዉ። ንኣብነት፡ መራሕቲ ብሩንዲ፡ ርዋንዳ፡ ኡጋንዳ ንህልዊ ቅዋም ብምቕያር ዕድመ ስልጣኖም ከናውሑ ክፍትኑ እንከለዉ፡ ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቂ ከኣ ብዘይ ቅዋም ክሳብ ዕለተ-ሞቱ ክመርሕ ይሕልን ኣሎ።

ብዙሓት መራሕቲ ተዛረብቲ ፈረንሳይኛ ዝዀና ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ክሳብ ዕለተ-ሞቶም ኣብ ስልጣን ኢዮም ጸኒሖም። ንኣብነት ዑመር ባንጎ፡ ናይ ጋቦን፣ ፈሊክስ ሁፈት ቧኘ፡ ናይ ኣይቮሪ ኮስት፣ ግናሲንግበ ኢያደማ፡ ናይ ቶጎ፣ ላንሳነ ኮንተ፡ ናይ ጊኒ፣ ክሳብ ዝሞቱ ናይ ሃገሮም ፕረሲደንትታት ኢዮም ነይሮም። ብዘይካ ኣብ ቶጎ ድማ ድሕሪ ሞቶም ሃገራቶም ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ናዕብታት ኢየን ተሸሚመምን።

ናይ ደገ ደገፍ ኣብ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ኣገዳሲ ግደ ኢዩ ዝጻወት። ስለዝዀነ ድማ ምእንቲ ዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋር ዝካየድ ቃልሲ ካብ ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረሰብ ክንጸል የብሉን።

ኣመሪካ ኣብ ኣፍጋኒስታንን ዒራቕን ብውግእ ኣቢላ ከተአታትዎ ዝፈተነት ዲሞክራሲ ግን ኣይተዓወተን። እዚ ከኣ፡ ካብ ግዳም ዝመጽእ ዓመጻዊ ምትእትታው ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ሓጋዚ ከምዘይኰነ ኢዩ ዝሕብር። ኣብ ኤርትራ ብናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ክግበር ዝፍተን ለውጢ ድማ ውጽኢቱ ካብ ናይ ዒራቕን ኣፍጋኒስታንን ዝተፈልየ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን ኢዩ።

ከም ኣመሪካ፡ ሃገራት ኣውሮጳ፡ ቻይናን ስዑዲ ዓረብን ዝኣመሰሉ ሃብታማት ዝዀኑ ዲሞክራስያውያንን ዲክታቶርያውያንን ስርዓታት ምህላዎም፡ ሃብቲ ወይ ጸጋ፡ ምስ ዲሞክራሲ ጥራሕ ዝተዛመደ ኣምር ከምዘይኰነ ኢዩ ዝሕብር። ናጽነት ግን፥ ኣብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓታት እንተዘይኰይኑ ኣብ ምልካውያን ስርዓታት ኣይትርከብን ኢያ። ስለ'ዚ ካብ ዲሞክራሲ ዝሓይሽ ኣገባብ ምሕደራ የለን ማለት ክበሃል ይከኣል ኢዩ።

መስርሕ ምስግጋር ካብ ምልኪ ናብ ዲሞክራሲ ጽጹይ ጐደና ዘይኰነስ፡ ብዙሕ ክብን ለጠቕን ዘለዎ ሓያል ጕዕዞ ኢዩ። መስርሕ ምስግጋር ናብ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ካብ ሃገር ናብ ሃገር ዝተፈልየ ኢዩ። ሓደ መለክዒ ወይ መስፈሪ ዘለዎ’ውን ኣይኰነን።

1. ቍጠባዊ ቅልውላው፡ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ዝድርኽ ወይ ድማ ንሕሱም ምልካዊ ስርዓት ዝወልድ ሰበብ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኢዩ። መስርሕ ምስግጋር ናብ ዲሞክራሲ ዕዉት መታን ክኸውን እምበኣር፥ ሓያልን ሰፊሕን ማእከላይ ደርቢ የድልዮ።

2. ናይ ምርጫ መስርሕ ዋላ እውን ዋላ ድሩት መሰላት ዘለዎ ምርጫታት ከይተረፈ፡ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ኣፍደገ ዝኸፍት ምዃኑ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን። መንግስቲ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ክወዳደሩ ምፍቃዱ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ብህላወ ናይ ተቓወምቲ ምእማን ስለዝዀነ፡ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ሓጋዚ ክኸውን ይኽእል ኢዩ። ኣብ መክሲኮ ንኣብነት ንተቓወምቲ ናብ ፓርላማ ንምእታው ተባሂሉ በቲ ናይ'ቲ እዋን'ቲ ገዛኢ ዝነበረ ሰውራዊ ሰልፊ እተገብረ ናይ ቅዋም ምምሕያሽ፡ ብ1982 ኣብ ዘጋጠመ ቍጠባዊ ቅልውላው እቲ ተቓዋሚ ዝነበረ ሰልፊ ክስዕር ተራእዩ ኢዩ።

3. ብረት ዝተሓወሶ ናዕብታት፡ ዋላ'ኳ ነቲ ዝጸንሐ ዲክታቶር ዘውድቕ እንተዀነ፡ ናብ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ግን ኣየሰጋግርን ኢዩ። ታሪኽ ድማ፡ ብዙሓት ዘይተዓወቱ ብረታዊ ናዕብታትን ዕልዋ መንግስታትን ከምዝተጋህዱ ይምስክር ኢዩ። ሊብያን የመንን ከም ኣብነት ምጥቃስ ይከኣል ኢዩ።

ዘይጐነጻዊ ኣገባብ ግን በንጻሩ፡ ንስሉጥን ህዱእን ዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋር ዘኽእል ኢዩ። ዘይጐነጻዊ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ንተኻፋልነት ናይ ህዝቢ ዘዕቢ፡ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራት ክጕልብታ ዘኽእል ዕድላት ስለዝኸስት ስለዝዀነ፡ በዚ ኣገባብ'ዚ ዝመጽእ ለውጢ ዘላቒ ኢዩ። ንኣብነት፦

ሀ. ላኽ ቫለንሳ ዝመርሖ ናይ ፖላንድ ናይ ሶሊዳሪቲ ምንቅስቓስ፤

ለ. ማንደላ ዝመርሖ ናይ ANC ምንቅስቓስ ኣብ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃ፤

ሐ. ኣብ ኢንዶነዥያ ብ1997ን ብ1998ን ዝተገብረ ሰፊሕ ናይ ህዝቢ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍታት፡ ኣብ 1999 ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ምርጫ፡ እቲ ተቓዋሚ ሰልፊ ክስዕር ኣኽኢሉ፤

መ. ናይ ቱኒዝያ ሰውራ ያስሚን ኣብ 2015

4. ንኣሳታፊ ዕብየት ምትብባዕ፡-ምእንቲ ፖለቲካዊ ናጽነት ዝግበር ቃልሲ ወይ ጻውዒት፡ ዓቢ ቍጠባውን ማሕበራውን ትጽቢታት ኣብ ህዝቢ የሐድር ኢዩ። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ፡ ህዝቢ ካብ ፖለቲካዊ ናጽነት ኣብ መነባብሮኡ ክርእዮ ዝደሊ ለውጥታት ኣሎ። መስርሕ ምስግጋር ምሉእ ብምሉእ ንኽዕወት እምበኣር፡ ኣብ መነባብሮ ህዝቢ ለውጥታት ዘምጽእ ክኸውን ይግባእ። ህዝቢ ነቲ ስርዓት ክከላኸለሉን ክሕብሕቦን እንተደኣ ተደልዩ፡ ኣብ ሂወቱ ኣወንታዊ ለውጢ ክርኢ ክኽእል ኣለዎ። ከም'ቲ ኣቐዲምና ዝበልናዮ ማእከላይ ደርቢ እናሰፍሐን እናዓበየን እንተኸይዱ፡ እቲ ስርዓት ናይ ህዝቢ ደገፍ እናረኸበ ኢዩ ዝኸይድ። ህዝቢ መነባብሮኡ እናኸፍአ፡ ስእነተ-ስራሕ እናበዝሐ እንተኸይዱ ግን፡ እቲ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ብዲክታቶርያውያን ተጨውዩ ናብ ምልኪ ገጹ ከምርሕ ይኽእል ኢዩ።

5. ግዝኣተ-ሕጊ ምስፋን፦ ሓድሽ መንግስቲ ምስ መጸ፡ ኣብ ኣእምሮ ነፍስወከፍና ዝለዓል ሕቶ ነዚ መንግስቲ'ዚ ክድግፎ'ዶ ወይስ ክጻረሮ ዝብል ኢዩ። እቲ መንግስቲ ናይ ህዝቢ ደገፍ ክረክብ እንተደኣኰይኑ፡ መሰላት ናይ ህዝቢ ዘኽብር፡ ህዝቢ ዝዓግበሉ ፍትሓዊ ቍጠባውን ፖለቲካውን ሕግታት ምድኳን የድሊ። ህዝቢ፡ ንኣገልግሎት ህዝቢ ዝውዕሉ ሕጋውያንን ህዝባውያንን ትካላት ምዃኖም እንተደኣ ኣረጋጊጹ ጥራሕ ኢዩ ልባዊ ደገፋቱ ነቲ ሓድሽ ናይ ምስግጋር መንግስቲ ዝህብ። ኣድማዕን ግሉጽን ሕጋዊ ስርዓት እንተደኣሃልዩ ዘይሕጋዊ ምኽዕባት ሃብትን ብልሽውናን ኣብ ትሕቲ ቍጽጽር ክኣቱ ይኽእል ኢዩ። ከምኡ’ውን፡ ዘመናዊ ሶሽያል ሚድያ፡ ንብልሽውና ንምውጋእ ሓጋዚ ተራ ከምዘለዎ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን።

ሲቪላውያንን ዘይመንግስታውያን ትካላት ዝግዝኣሉ ሕግታት ምግባር እውን ኣገዳስነት ኣለዎ። ኣብያተ-ፍርዲ፡ ፓርላማን ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራትን ብምሕያል ግዝኣተ-ሕጊ ከምዝሰፍን ምግባር ኣድላዪ ቅድመ-ኵነት ንዲሞክራስያዊ ምስግጋር ኢዩ።

6. ስልጣን ምክፍፋል፦ ስልጣን ናብ ኣውራጃታት ምክፍፋል ብዙሕ ረብሓታት ኣለዎ። ስልጣን ብማእከላይ መንግስቲ ወይ ብርእሰ-ከተማ ጥራሕ ከይግበት ይኽልክል። ናብ ህዝቢ ዝቐረበ ምምሕዳር ድማ ዝሓሸ ናይ ተሓታትነት ዕድል ኣለዎ። ኣብ ኢንዶነሽያ ዝነበረ ናይ ምግንጻል ሕቶ ብዘይምእኩል ኣገባብ ምምሕዳር ኢዩ ተፈቲሑ። ዘይምእኩል ምምሕዳር ብግቡእ እንተደኣ ዘይተታሒዙ ግን፡ ምፍንጫልን ምግንጻልን ከምዘስዕብ ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግብኣናን።

7. ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት፡ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ክሕግዙን ክዕንቅፉን ይኽእሉ ኢዮም። ጥዑያት ጐረባብቲ፡ ቍጠባውን ተክኒካውን ደገፋት ብምሃብ ንመስርሕ ምስግጋር ብኣወንታ ክጸልውዎ ይኽእሉ ኢዮም። ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ድማ፡ ሕማቕ ጐረቤት፡ ንረብሓኡ ጥራሕ ብምሕሳብ ንመስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ብዝተፈላለየ መንገዲ ክዕንቅፎ ይኽእል ኢዩ።

ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ጥራሕ ዘይኰናስ፡ ዓለም-ለኻዊ ትካላት ከም ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ፡ ሕብረት ኣውሮጳን ናቶን (NATO) ካልኦት ምትእኽኽካባትን እውን ክጻወትዎ ዝኽእሉ ግዴታት ከምዘለወን ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግብኣን።

ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዛዕባ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ክዝረብ እንከሎ፡ ብወገን ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ንዲሞክራሲ ምስ ብልጽግና ኣተኣሳሲሩ ኢዩ ክጥቀምሉ ዝፍትን። ኤርትራ፡ ድኻ ሃገር ስለዝዀነት፡ ህዝባ ብዛዕባ ባኒ እምበር ብዛዕባ ዲሞክራሲ ኣይሓስብን ኢዩ ዝብል መናፍሓት ይዝርግሕ፤ ምርጫታት ኰነ ስርዓት ብዙሓን ሰልፍታት መግለጺ ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ኣይኰኑን እናበለ ከቋናጽብ ይፍትን። ናይ’ዚ ኣተሓሳስባ’ዚ መበገሲ፡ ኢሳያስ ክሳብ ሞቱ ፕረሲደንት ናይ ኤርትራ ኰይኑ ክነብር ስለዝደሊ ኢዩ።

ጸገማት መስርሕ ምስግጋር ብሓደ ሸነኽ እቶም መራሕቲ ክሳብ ዝሞቱ ኣብ ስልጣን ምጽናሕ ምድላይ ክኸውን እንከሎ፤ ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ከኣ፡ ተቓወምቲ ነቲ ናይ ምስግጋር መድረኽ ዘድሊ ቅድመ-ምድላዋት ወይ ባይታታት ከየመቻችኡ ምጽናሕ ኢዩ። ኣብ ከም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ኵነታት ዝፍጠር ህጓፍ፡ ነታ ሃገር ናብ ዘይትወጾ ዓዘቕቲ ክሸማ ከምዝኽእል ናይ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ተመኵሮታት ዘረጋግጾ ሓቂ ኢዩ።

ድሕነት ሃገር ቅድሚ ኵሉ፡ ለውጢ ካብ ታሓቲ ናብ ላዕሊ፡ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ፡ ህዝቢ ኢዩ ወሳኒ. . .ወዘተ ዝብሉ ጥዑማት ጭርሖታት ኣብ ቀጽሪ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ምድግጋም ልሙድ ባህሊ ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ኣብ ግብሪ ግን፡ ቀዳምነት ተዋሂብዎም ክስርሓሎም ድማ ኣይርኣዩን። እዚ፡ ኣብ መስርሕ ምስግጋር ዘሎ ተረድኦ ሓደ ከምዘይኰነ፡ ወይ ድማ ንሃልኪ ጥራሕ ተባሂሉ ዝደጋገም ጭርሖታት ምዃኑ ኢዩ ዝእምት።

ብመድረኽ ዝተሰናድአ ምምኽኻራዊ ዋዕላ ናይሮቢ፡ ንመስርሕ ምስግጋር ከም ማእከላይ ዛዕባ ገይሩ ምሓዙ ካብ’ዚ ዕንክሊል’ዚ ከውጽኣና ተስፋ ተነቢርሉ ኣሎ።

Residents explain why so many risk death to reach Europe, as the Guardian gains rare access to report from inside the country

All Eritrean are conscripted into the army – a national service that can last indefinitely. Photograph: Steve Forrest/EPA

David Smith in Asmara

Wednesday 23 December 2015 22.00 GMT Last modified on Thursday 24 December 2015 00.45 GMT

The shrill blast of a whistle still makes Almaz Russom wince. “You’re sleeping nicely, dreaming something, then it wakes you at 4.30am,” he said, clenching his teeth and mimicking the pitch. “I still don’t like the sound of that whistle.”

All Eritrean are conscripted into the army – a national service that can last indefinitely. Photograph: Steve Forrest/EPA

Russom, whose name has been changed here for his own protection, was giving a rare account of a military bootcamp in Eritrea, one of Africa’s most secretive totalitarian states. It forms part of a compulsory “national service” for young men and women, an indefinite purgatory that robs them of the best years of their lives and is the key to understanding why so many flee its borders.

Eritreans are now the third biggest group of people embarking on the risky Mediterranean crossing to Europe, with an estimated 5,000 leaving every month, behind only Syrians and Afghans. As the first British newspaper for a decade to gain access to this little-understood nation, the Guardian interviewed citizens, diplomats and government ministers about the motivating forces behind the mass exodus.

Most suggested that while poverty, joblessness and political repression are important, what sets Eritrea apart from many other African countries is the conscription that forces them to take on often interminable military and civilian work for the equivalent of less than $2 a day. Speaking in the capital, Asmara, Russom said: “If they told you national service would end, it would be bearable. But it is never-ending.”

He recalled being at a military training camp in the fierce heat of the Sahel which houses 20,000 conscripts at a time. A typical stint is six months, but he was lucky to spend only half that time there. The men were forced to sleep on the floor in tents and had to bring their own blankets, he continued. “There are guys lying all around you. The food is not for fit for dogs.

“You get a timetable showing what you’ll do today and tomorrow. Today might be running and political school, which is the history of the liberation struggle. Tomorrow might be shooting practice: most guys deliberately miss the target so they won’t be recruited by the army. But they never tell you anything beyond that. They can call your name at any time and make you gather your things and you have no idea where you’re going.

“If you’re not in position when they call, they will punish you. They might say ‘Go and lie in the sun for an hour.’ It is so hot, it is worse than a beating. They can also tie you up in ‘the eight’ – binding your arms and legs behind you – and make you lie in the sun for an hour. That is very painful because it’s like a stove: 55C. It’s like you’re close to the sun.”

There is a demonisation campaign focused on the government and the president

Yemane Ghebre Meskel, Eritrean information minister

The camps are run by military trainers who have the power to impose discipline. Russom continued: “You ask yourself, ‘Why am I here? What did I do to deserve this? The next time I see my trainer in Asmara, I’ll shoot him for making me lie in the sun.’ But when you see him in Asmara, you are friends: you buy a beer and tell your friend, ‘This is the guy who tortured me at the camp’.”

There are usually two responses to any mention of Eritrea, a former Italian colony which gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993. One is a blank expression: Michela Wrong, author of a book about Eritrea, I Didn’t Do it For You, said she frequently encountered people who had never heard of the place. The other is a kneejerk characterisation of this nation of 6 million as “the North Korea of Africa”.

It is a glib analogy that bestows on Eritrea an aura of mystery that is neither desired nor deserved, and not only because the country poses no nuclear threat. Far from the cult of personality around Kim Jong-un, President Isaias Afwerki’s image is harder to find than those of leaders in many African nations, despite his 22-year rule. Tremendous progress has been made in healthcare, with HIV prevalence at less than 1%.

Residents reported that satellite television offers international news channels while Asmara’s numerous internet cafes do not block websites except those featuring pornography. The WhatsApp and Viber messaging services are popular because they are thought difficult for the government to monitor. Warnings that the Guardian’s movements would be followed by government agents in the capital proved unfounded. “You can say anything you like here,” Russom confided. “You can insult the president. It will be treated as a joke.”

Foreign diplomats and development workers based in Asmara are mostly baffled by the Pyongyang comparison. “It’s not an adventure: not that much happens here,” the spouse of one said. “It’s very safe. It feels more isolated than when we lived on an island.”

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However, Eritrea’s government has been its own worst enemy in feeding conspiracy theories among the diaspora and western pundits. It has repeatedly denied access to UN investigators and independent human rights watchdogs such as Amnesty International. Foreign media have been shut out for about 10 years, with a trickle of reporters permitted only in the past few months. The immense tourist potential of its Italian art deco and modernist architecture and pristine beaches has been squandered.

Instead the country is a political and economic pariah with streets full of bicycles, donkey-drawn carriages, 1960s cars and overcrowded buses. Power cuts are a way of life, the state-controlled mobile phone network is supplemented by public payphones and there are virtually no advertising billboards, newspapers or international brands except Coca-Cola. “No, Eritrea does not resemble North Korea,” observed Richard Poplak of South Africa’s Daily Maverick after a recent visit. “It resembles Cuba 15 years ago.”

The prosaic truth is that this is just another of the nasty regimes that persist in parts of the world. Eritrea is a one-party state with no elections, has had no functioning civil society since 2001 and, with at least 16 journalists currently behind bars, is ranked bottom of 180 countries assessed in Reporters Without Borders’ press freedom index. The regime sows paranoia and uncertainty, leading to divergent views over how far the limits of free speech can be tested.

A recent UN inquiry on human rights described extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, indefinite military conscription and forced labour. Its report found “a pervasive control system used in absolute arbitrariness to keep the population in a state of permanent anxiety”.

This mood was evident on the streets of Asmara, where a foreign photographer who took pictures of one of numerous beggars was swiftly approached by men in plain clothes and ordered to delete them. Strangers were polite and friendly but, when conversations turned to politics, guarded and hushed. “Even standing here talking to a white man, I am taking a risk,” one man muttered. “If you publish my name, I will be taken in 24 hours.”

Faded 30s glamour in the capital, Asmara. Photograph: Natasha Stallard/Brownbook

Christine Umutoni, UN’s Eritrea humanitarian coordinator

The man, who did national service for 11 years, reflected: “Now I’m 32. What future do you think I have at 32? How old are you? What had you achieved by 32? The situation hits us hard, especially young people. They are leaving because there is no hope.”

On the bustling, tree-lined Harnet Avenue, a young student kept walking as she remarked: “We don’t have diplomacy, we don’t have freedom. I cannot speak as I want. There are no jobs. I want to study in London because my university cannot afford a lab.”

And the head of an English language school pre-empted an interview by apologising: “I’m sorry, I don’t know anything about politics. I wasn’t born for that. Your questions are very interesting. If you find anyone who’ll help you, you’ll succeed.”

Money is scarce and opportunities are few. Solomon Beraki, 30, earns just 1,000 nafka (£43) a month as a student nurse. “This is very little when you see it with our standard of living,” he said. “This is the main problem, not because people dislike the government or president, but because of their financial situation. There are many educated people who don’t have enough work. They don’t dislike national service but there is no cutoff point: it is lifelong.”

Yafet Russom, who was running a small shop, said he earned just 800 nafka a month from national service. He was selling a loaf of bread for 3 nafka, a can of beans for 40, bottles of water for 35, tins of sardines for 58, cheese for 75 and a box of tea for 120. At the central fruit and spice market, a kilo of oranges went for 85 nafka, while a kilo of onions cost 60.

A different view was offered by Rebecca Haile, a retired nurse who now lives in the US but returns home to Eritrea regularly. “The government doesn’t torture people,” the 65-year-old insisted. “It’s just politics. When people go to America, they just say it to get a green card. Most of them are not Eritrean but have come by an Eritrean name. Real Eritreans love their country.”

A sticker with the words “I love Eritrea” adorns a locker in the offices of the government-backed National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students, whose courtyard has a full-size replica of the classical statue Discus-thrower (Discobolus). Okbay Berhe, 37, its deputy chairman, admitted that conscription was driving young people away but claimed it was for economic, not political reasons. “It’s not national service any more,” he said.

“It’s uncertain time and it’s not easy for the youngest to tolerate that. This creates unemployment by default. If you’re on national service you can’t make money. It is killing opportunities as you can’t make money for your family. There may be people who say they are leaving because the government is repressing them but they are trying to politicise these things. When they go to Europe about 70% send money back to their families because they know how their families are living. This is the main reason they go to Europe, logically.”

We don’t have diplomacy, we don’t have freedom. I cannot speak as I want.

Student on streets of Asmara

Berhe believes that an additional factor is that western governments give Eritreans “special treatment” when considering asylum applications. “The west motivates Eritreans to leave,” he added. “And many Ethiopians in Europe and Israel are registered as Eritreans. If someone asks where are you from, they can’t differentiate.”

The Eritrean government justifies national service as a necessary precaution in case of fresh conflict with neighbouring Ethiopia – the countries remain in dispute after a 1998-2000 border war killed tens of thousands of troops. This followed three decades of conflict that resulted in Eritrea’s independence but left almost no family untouched by loss.

Medebar market in Asmara – a shopkeeper said he earned around 800 nafka (£34) a month. Photograph: Alamy Stock Photo

Yemane Ghebre Meskel, the information minister, insisted that there was still “sabre-rattling” from Ethiopia and a tense limbo of no war, no peace. “If you talk about the issue of prolonged national service, that might be debatable, but what are the alternatives? These are not hypothetical issues – we are talking about existential threats.” He claimed “migration happens everywhere” and in Eritrea’s case “there are push factors but I think the pull factors are much stronger”, in particular America and Europe’s willingness to accept Eritreans. “We’re talking about several countries which for their own reasons wanted to grant asylum for people from the national service.”

During an interview at the information ministry sitting on top of a hill along with the state broadcaster overlooking Asmara, Meskel rolled his eyes heavenward before answering each question. “It’s automatic to say, ‘parliament is not there, no elections for 20 years’,” he said. “It does not take into account the special circumstances that forced the government to abandon the project of nation building that had begun. The absence of formal opposition does not mean there is not debate within society.

“There is a demonisation campaign focused on the government and the president. I know him. There is a huge different between how he’s portrayed by the negative media and him as a person. They say ‘dictator’ but don’t talk about certain attitudes of his character. Sometimes you wonder if they are talking about the same country.”

Meskel dismissed the recent UN human rights report, claiming it was based on interviews with Eritrean exiles “who have an agenda against the country”. He continued: “The UN said the government doesn’t allow people to meet. If there is a wedding here, what happens? I go to weddings, on buses, in taxis, nobody cares. People gather together and say whatever they want. I don’t have anyone arrested for talking negatively about the government. I find it difficult to say this country is governed by fear and nobody wants to talk.”

With many of the best and the brightest living abroad there is little sign of an uprising against one-time liberator Afwerki, and that suits the international community just fine. Eritrea’s location in the Horn of Africa, notably its proximity to Yemen across the Red Sea, makes it an important bulwark.

Christine Umutoni, the UN’s resident humanitarian coordinator, said: “Eritrea is in a very strategic position. It should be in everyone’s interests to have stability in this country for the sake of international trade. Half the population is Christian, half is Muslim. There is no sign of fundamentalism. It’s an important ally. If things were to go wrong in Eritrea, it would affect the region.”

For many here, however, the peace, stability and remarkably low crime rate are illusory. Russom observed dryly: “Most Eritreans are suffering but it is in our culture to act as if we are living nicely. We like to pretend. If you go to bar, someone is pretending to live well, but if you go to their home you will see they are struggling. If you could ask 20 people how they are doing, only two will actually be living well. People like the president but, in their hearts, they do not like the president.”

Source=http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/23/eritrea-conscription-repression-and-poverty-recipe-for-mass-emigration?CMP=share_btn_fb