ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ

ጾታዊ ወጽዓ ደቂ ቅንስትዮ ኣዝዩ ነዊሕ ዕድመ ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወጽዓ መሪርወን ነዚ ወጽዓ ንምውጋድ ብወግዒ ተወዲበን ድምጸን ኣስሚዐን ቃልሲ ዝጀመራ ቅድሚ 106 ዓመታት ኣቢሉ ኣብ ኣሜሪካ ብዝተላዕለ መሰረታዊ ናይ መሰል ሕቶ ምዃኑ ታሪኽ ተጋድሎ ደቀኣንስትዮ ዓለም ይሕብር። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ናብዚ ሕጂ ዘለዎ  ደረጃ ዓለም ለኻዊ ዝኽሪ 8 መጋቢት ንምብጻሕ ኣብ ምውሳን ዝኽበረሉ ዕለት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብቲ “ሕቶ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እንታይ እዩ?” ዝብል ንምውሳን እውን ብኣዝዩ ብዙሕ ደረጃታትን ዝተሓላለኸ መስርሕን ክሓልፍ ጸኒሑ እዩ።

ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ድርብ ወጽዓ እዩ ዘለወን። በቲ ሓደ ወገን ጾታዊ ወጽዓ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ደማ ከም ኩሉ ዜጋ ዘጋጥመን ኩለመዳያዊ ወጽዓ። ቃልሰን እውን ከምኡ ድርብ እዩ። ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብምዃነን ዘጋጥመን ጾታዊ ወጽዓ ክህልወን እንከሎ፡ ከከም ናይቲ ዝነብራሉ ሃገር ቁጠባዊ ምዕባለ፡ ዝመሓደረሉ ስርዓትን ባህላዊ ተጽዕኖን ኣብ ገሊኡ ዝያዳ ዝመረረ ከም ዝኸውን ዝሰሓት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ካብቲ ብቑጠባዊ ምዕባለን ብደሞክራሲያዊ ዕቤትን ኣብ ዝሓሸ ዝርከብ ዓለም፡ ኣብ ከም ኤርትራ ዝኣመሰላ ብቑጠባ ኮነ ብስርዓተ-ምሕደራ ኣብ ዝተሓተ ደረጃ ናይ ዝርከባ ሃገራት ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝኸበደ እዩ። 

ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ናይቲ ዝተረፈ ሓፋሽ ህዝቢ ኩለመዳይዊ ወጽዓ ኣብ ዘይተፈትሓሉ በይኑ ፍታሕ ዝረክብ ኣይኮነን። ደሞክራሲያዊ ምምሕዳርን ቁጠባዊ ዕቤትን ኣብ ዝበኾረሉ ኩነታት ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ በይኑ ተነጺሉ ክፍታሕ ዘይሕሰብ እዩ። ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓትን ቁጠባዊ ዕቤትን ውሑስ ኣብ ዝኾነሉ ስርዓት  ወጽዓ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ናይ ምውጋዱ ዕድል ኣዝዩ ሰፊሕ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወጽዓአን መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ክረክብ ከም ዝግበኦ ዝተረደአ ሕብረተሰብ ኣብ ዘይተፈጥረሉ መፍትሒ ዝረክብ ኣይኮነን። ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወጽዓአን ዝፍታሕ ነቲ ዝውጸዐን ተጻራሪ ጾታ ከም ጸላኢ ብምውሳድን ብምትህልላኽን  ዘይኮነስ ናይቲ ወጽዓ ክብደት ተረዲኡ ናይቲ ፍታሕ ኣካል ከም ዝኸውን ብምግባር ክኸውን ይግበኦ።

ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ፍርቂ ህብረተሰብነተን ብተግባር ዘርኣያሉ ብዙሕ ተመኩሮታት ምግላጽ ዝከኣል ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ መዳይ ተመኩሮ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ቅድሚት ከም ዝስራዕ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። እዚ ተመኩሮ እዚ ኣብ ኩሉ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተንጸባረቐ ኮይኑ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብቲ መሪር ናይ 30 ዓመታት ብረታዊ ቃልስና ንናጽነት በሪኹ ተራእዩ’ዩ። ኣብዚ መሪር ቃልሲ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ጾታዊ ፍልዩነተን ተጽዕኖ ከይፈጠረለን፡ ማዕረ ኣሕዋተን ደቂ ተባዕትዮ፡ ኣብቲ ዝኸበደ ብልሒ ናይቲ ቃልሲ ወተሃድራዊ ግጥማት እውን ከይተረፈ መስተንክር ሰሪሐን እየን። ንናይ ካለኦት ውጹዓት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ’ውን ግዜ ዘይስዕሮ ኣብነት ኣውሪሰን።

ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከምቲ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ዝኸፈለኦ ዋጋ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ዝካየድ ዘሎ እሞ ኣብ ውሽጡ ከም ቀንዲ ዕማም ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝሓቖፈ፡ ዝተሓላለኸ  ናይ ደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ቃልሲ እውን እጃመን ካብ ናይ ደቂ ተባዕትዮ ንላዕሊ እንተዘይኮይኑ ንታሕቲ ከም ዘይኮነ ክርደኣ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ነዚ ተረድኦ ዝምጥን ተሳተፎ ከም ዝጽበየን ኣብ ቦታኡ ዘሎ እዩ።  ተሳትፎአን ኣብ ዝበኾረሉ ወይ ከምዚ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና ኣዝዩ ኣብ ዝዛሕተለሉ ወጽዓአን  ክፍታሕ ከምዘይክእል ከዓ ክርደኣ ይግበአን። ኣሕዋተን ደቂ ተባዕትዮ እውን ብኩራት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ መሰረታዊ ጸገም ናይቲ ቃልሲ ገይሮም ክርድእዎ’ሞ ናይ ግድን ህጹጽ ፍታሕ ክረኽብሉ ይግበኦም።

ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ካብዚ ቃልሲ ዝርሕቃሉ ዘለዋ ምኽንያት፡ ምናልባት ናይቲ ዝሓለፈ ቃልሰን ጻማ እንታይ ከም ዝኾነ ስለ ዝረኣያ’ሞ ብኣኡ ስለ ዝሰከሓ ክኸውን ይኽእል ዝብል ግምት ኣሎ። ናይዚ መንቀሊኡ ናይ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ጥልመት እንድዩ፡ እዚ ጥልመት ኣብኣተን ዝተደረተ ዘይኮነስ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣረኻኺብሉ ዘሎ ጉዳይ ምዃኑ ክርሰዓኦ ኣይግበአንን። እቲ ፍታሕ ከዓ ቃልሲ እምበር ስቕታን ካብ ቃልሲ ምርሓቕን ከም ዘይኮነ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ነዘኻኽረን። እንተ’ቲ ምረት ናይቲ ዘሕልፈኦ ዘለዋ መከራ ዘርዚርካ ዝውዳእ ስለ ዘይኮነ ብድብድቡ “ኣስካሕካሒ” ኢልናዮ ክንሓልፍ ይሓይሽ።

ሰደህኤ ብመሰረቱ ውን ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከም ሰልፊ ኮነ ከም ሃገር ኣዝዩ ፍሉይ ቆላሕታ ዘድልዮ ምዃኑ ስለ ዝርዳእ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ  መደብ ዕዮኡ “ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ፍርቂ ኣካል ሕብረተ-ሰብ ኢየን። መሰለን ብሕጊ ተሓልዩ፡ ብግብሪ ኣብ ኵሉ ህይወት ሕብረተ-ሰብ ኤርትራ ማዕረ ተሳትፎ ከም ዝህልወን ንምግባር፡ ሰዲህኤ ከይተሓለለ ክሰርሕ ኢዩ።” ብዝብል ኣስፊሩ ይርከብ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ እውን እዚ ሰልፊ ንግደ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብዚ ቃልሲ ንምዕዛዝ ካብ ዘለዎ ድልውነት ብምንቃል ካብቲ 9 ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚኡ ሓደ ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝከታተል እዩ። እዚ ሰልፋዊ ቅርቡነት ኣብ ፍረ ክበጽሕ ግና ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ወሳኒ ክነሱ ክሳብ ሕጂ በቲ ዝተሓተ ደረጃኡ እውን ኣዕጋቢ ዘይምዃኑ ናብ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዘመሓላልፎ መልእኽቲ ዕዙዝ እዩ።

ስለዚ ከምቲ ወለድና “ካብ ጉይይ ምውዓል ክሳድ ምሓዝ” ዝብልዎ፡ ኣብዚ ኣጋጣሚ 8 መጋቢት ዓለም ለኸ መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ንዝከረሉ ዘለና፡ ብሓፈሻ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ብፍላይ ድማ መንእሰያት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ሓርበኛታት ኣደታተን መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈላሉ፡ ግና ድማ ኣብቲ ዝድለ ምዕራፉ ዘይበጸሐ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምምላእ ክሳተፋ መጸዋዕታና ነቕርበለን።

ብዘይ ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ዝዕወት ቃልሲ የለን!

8 መጋቢት 2016

Bi-monthly English Organ of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP)

ናይ ኤርትራ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ጨንፈር ሃገረ ሽወደን ን4ይ ጊዜኡ ዓመታዊ ጉባኤኡ ንዕለት 02 ሚያዝያ 2016 ዓ.ም.ፈ. ኣብ ከተማ ስቶኮልም( Grusås gränd160 ) ከካይድ ምኻኑ ኣካያዲ ሽማገለ ትሕብር። እዚ ናይ ገበርቲ ሰናይ ዝኾነ ማሕበር ናብ ከተማ ከሰላ ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ዉጉኣት ሓርነትን ብዝተፋላለዩ ምኽንያታት ኣካሎም ዝጎደሉ ኤርትራውያን ብግቡእ ዝሕግዝ ማሕበር እዩ።                            

እዚ ማሕበር እዚ ካብ ዝኾነ ፖሊቲካውን ሃይማኖታውን ዝምባሌ ነጻ ዝኾነ ሰብኣዊ ማሕበር ኮይኑ፡ ክሳብ ዝወግሕ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ርህሩህ ከይዝንግዕ ንጽዉዕ። ብዝመርጽኩሞ ኣገባብ ሓገዝኩም ክትልግሱ ንላቦ። 

ፖስት ጂሮ 650565-5 እንሆ።

 

Any organization has three levels of action( strategic, management and operative levels) and two methods of steering control from below and control from the above( Decentralization) to advance the work spirit and commitment of all actors in the process of democratization. Here in this article I am not going to deal with organizational decentralization but our experience in conducting national dialogues at this time of transition from dictatorship to democracy.

 

Dialogue is a democratic method that enables us to find the true meaning or deeper understanding of our problems. By conducting dialogue we are able to know who we are and recognize where we are. It gives us the opportunity to interact in non-violent way when we face opposing issues. Dialogue encourages diversity of thinking and opinions than oppressing them. It facilitates the emergence of mutual understanding of the problems and search for common understanding. In practicing dialogue one should not take the precedence over his partners and common understanding should not come by exerting pressure on others. Dialogue is a tool used for solving problems, it can be between states, it can be between organizations and it can be between systems. It is listening for deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place in your circumstances. When dialogue is conducted with this knowledge then movement towards resolution has a real opportunity to take place.

 

Do we in the Eritrean Opposition for democratic change been practicing dialogue by deep understanding of dialogue or have we been practicing it in wrong way?

 

This article on dialogue is not the first by this writer to explain the meaning of practicing dialogue. Many have written on dialogue focusing on building partnership in the opposition camp for democratic change in Eritrea. The building of Eritrean National Alliance during the 1999 was the fruit of the dialogue between the political organizations, the next was the building of Eritrean National Alliance( ENA) then later was the dialogue between political organizations and civic societies that come after the Akaki conference and lastly the dialogue of Awasa that brought broad partnership under the name of Eritrean National Council For Democratic Change/ ENCDC. In all these attempts of dialogue we still have not learned practicing dialogue with responsible listening for deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place in the struggle from dictatorship to democracy, are we moving towards resolving the conflicts in a right way or just circulating in a circle of conflicts without no progress.

 

Dialogue is the main tool for bringing stakeholders together to discuss the opportunities and problems for democratic change in Eritrea and to develop strategies to address the issues that must be given priorities. I think we have been practicing dialogue without certain principles and beliefs that serve guide us towards the benefit of our people.

 

We need develop a conceptual framework for conducting a dialogue by examining the values and importance of dialogue and not as temporary and tactical method for oppressing others. The value of dialogue is it contributes strengthen democratic forces against dictatorship, helps to assess the movement for democratic change, enables identifying issues of priority and articulate the importance of partnership and helps get legitimacy and acceptance by the international community.

 

Dialogue is a tool for prevention of conflict but in our case ( Eritrean) practicing dialogue has been used as conflict creating. It has been practiced as a tool of confrontations and conflict. Dialogue is a tool for managing conflicts- helps us structure and set limits of political conflict and leads us to political consultation and joint action that can help us manage potential conflicts. Dialogue as a mechanism for resolving conflicts, we in the opposition failed to build institutions and procedures providing us framework to sustain peace settlements and prevent the recurrence of conflict ( See the experience of ENCDC)

 

The Eritrean opposition failed in practicing national dialogue for democratization inside itself and between itself. We need an academic analysis assessing the Eritrean Opposition practicing dialogue. The values of dialogue, dialogue as a tool of conflict management, dialogue framework and application of the framework.

 

I think the process of democratization inside the forces for democratic change cannot achieve without a true national dialogue guided by national principles including all stakeholders to own and be involved in the process. How do we foster this  national dialogue must be the responsibility of all. I think time is ripe to reflect and say we have learned from our past failures let us come together and practice dialogue in a right way that can lead us towards building a democratic society in Eritrea after the fall of dictatorship.

 

Democracy is a process never ends after the fall of the dictatorship. It is a way of life respecting the rights and dignities of humanity. Democracy is inclusive, encompasses the state, civil society, public and private sector, all share joint and complementary responsibilities for its advancement. Inclusion and participation are two key dimensions of democratizations. This culture of inclusiveness and participatory approach constitutes the basis for a pluralistic partnership. Are we towards building a pluralistic partnership? Let us assess.

 

We need for a combined approach- combining the two levels of organization combining the steering and control from below and steering and control above.

 

Any organization had parts of bodies top and below and they have complementary responsibilities but not substitutes. We have learned a great deal from the ambitious ideas and strenuous efforts by the political and civic organizations regarding building a cooperative partnership but this have not been sustainable except splitting and creating every time new organizations based on patron-client relationships.

ናይ ህይወት ነገር ኣይፍለጥን እሞ፡ ሓደ ኩሉ ጊዜ ናይ ሕልና ቅሳነት ዝኸልኣኒ  ነገር ክነግር ደልየ እጽሕፍ ኣሎኹ። ኲልኹም እቶም ምሳይ ዝነበርኩም ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን ምስክርነትኩም ክትህቡ  ኣጥቢቐ እላቦን እሓትትን። እዚ ገበናት'ዚ ናብ መን ክበጽሕን ንመን ክንገርን ኣሎዎ ንዝብል ሕቶ በብመንገድና መልሲ ንርከበሉ። ንህዝብና ዓው ኢልና ምሕባሩ እውን ኣድላይነት ይህልዎ።  

ብመንነተይ ንሕጂ ብዙሕ ክዛረብ ኣይክእልን። ኣብ 60ታት ተወሊደ። ኣብ 80ታት ኣብ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ተሰሊፈ።  ሕጂ ኣብ ምዕራባዊ ዓለም ኣሎኹ። ህግደፍ ኣብ ርእሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነጊርካዮ ዘይውዳእ፣ ዘይሰብኣዊ፡ ኣስካሕካሒ ገበናት ከም ዝፈጸመን ይፍጽም ከም ዘሎን እንፈልጥ ውሑዳት ኣይኮናን። ኣብ ልዕሊ ካልኦት (ዘይኤርትራውያን) ዝገበሮ ገበናት ከም ዘሎ እንፈልጥ እውን ብዙሓት ኢና። እዚ ቀጺሉ ዝግለጽ ዘሎ ገበን ሓደ ካብኡ ነይሩ።

ኣብ ተስዓታት፡ ርክብ ሱዳንን ኤርትራን ሕማቕ ከም ዝነበረ ዝዝከር ኢዩ። ብ1996 ንሱዳን ቅድሚ ምጥቃዕና፡  መሪሕነት ህግደፍ  ናብ ናቕፋን ቃሮራን ከባቢኡን ከግዕዘና እንከሎ፡ "ሱዳን ናይ ግብረ ሽበራን ጃሃድን መዕቆቢ ኮይኑ የስግኣና ስለዘሎ፡ ከነጥቅዖ ኢና፡ ኣብ ተጠንቀቕ ኩኑ" ዝብል ትእዛዝ ኣመሓላሊፉ። መሪሕነትና፡ ግብጽን ኡጋንዳን ኢትዮጵያን ምሳና ኣለዋ ክብል ቀንዩ፡ "እተን ሃገራት ርእይቶኤን ቀይረን፡ ንሓና ግን ዝሓሰብናዮ ክንቅጽሎ" ከም ዝበለ ተሓቢርና።

ካብዚ ብምንቃል፡ ብዕለት 27/03/1997 ኮር 271 ብዓብዱ ረመጭን ምክትሉ ወዲ ቀሽን ዝምራሕ፡ ካብ ቀሮራ ሱዳን ክሳብ መራፊት ብሓደ ወገን፡ በቲ ካልኣይ ድማ ካብ ደንቦቤት ክሳብ ጀልሃንዲ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝነበራ መደበራት ሱዳን ማለት ቃሮራ፡ ሃቦኻይት፡ ዓይተርባይ፡ ዓዳረት፡ ዓጊት ክሰረት፡ ዓጊት መራፊት፡ ጀልሃንድን ከቢድ መጥቃዕቲ ከም እነካይድ ኮነ። ንሽሙ ነይሮም ክበሃሉ፡ ኣዝዮም ውሑዳት ተጋደልቲ ካብ ናይ ጆን ገራንግን ናይ ሰዲቕ-ኣልማህድን ናይ ዶክቶር ዓብደልዓዚዝን (ኣልሓልፋ) ዝበሃሉ  ሸነኻት ተሓዊሶምና። ነይሮም ንማለት ጥራይ።

እቲ ውግእ ኣብ ገለ ቦታታት 4 መዓልቲ ኣብ ካልእ ከኣ 5 መዓልቲ ምስ ቀጸለ፡ እዘን ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስኩወን መደበራት ብምሉኤን ኣብ ትሕቲ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣትየን። ካብ መራፊት ድሕሪ 3 መዓልቲ ስሒብና ኣብ ዓጊግ ዓሪድና። ኣብተን ዝተረፋ መደበራት ግን ብዘይ ምቊራጽ ክሳብ ወርሒ 6/1998 ጸኒሕና።

ድሕሪ ወርሒ 6/98 ግን፡ ብዘይካቲ ሓሓሊፍካ እተገብረ ናይ ከበድቲ መሳርያን ናይ ነፈርትና ደብዳብን፡ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ብብዙሕ ሰራዊትን ኣጽዋርን ተሰንዩ መጥቃዕቲ ሰለዝገበረልና፡ ንኤርትራ ተመሊስና። እቶም ውሑዳት ሱዳናውያን ተቓወምቲ'ውን ምሳና ንኤርትራ ኣንሳሒቦም።

ኣብ ውሽጢ ሱዳን ውግእ ከነካይድ ከሎና፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ምጥቃዕ ጥራይ ከይኣክል፡ ንዝኾነ ወተሃደር ምርሻን ዝብል ትእዛዝ ተመሓላሊፉ። ኣብ ርእሲኡ፡  ድሕሪ'ቲ ብ27/03/1997 ዝጀመርናዮ መጥቃዕቲ ምዕዋቱ፡ ድሕሪ 2 ሰሙን ኣቢሉ መራሕ ብርጌድና ወዲ ተኸስተ ንብርጌድ ኣኪቡ፡ "ብዘይካ ኣብ ኩናት ዝሞቱ ኣባላት ሰራዊት ሱዳን፡ 1,273  (ሽሕን ክልተ ሚእትን ሰብዓን ሰለስተን) እሱራት ነይሮምና። ይኹን'ምበር ተቓወምቲ ሱዳን፡ ብፍላይ ናይ ጆን ገርንግ፡ ሓዝዎም እንተበልናዮም ዓቕሚ የብልናን ኢሎምና። ንሕና ድማ ብማሕበረሰብ ዓለም ከይንፍለጥን ከይንኹነንን፡ ብዘይካ ምርሻኖም ካልእ መተካእታ ስለዘይረኸብና፡ ረሺንናዮም" ኢሉ ይሕብረና። ካብ ኣባላት ሰራዊትና ገለ ተቓውሞ ናይቲ ተግባር ዘርኣዩ ነይሮም። ግን ታህዲድ ተገይሩሎም፡ ስቕ ኢሎም። ብወገን ተቓወምቲ ሱዳናውያን እውን ዝተራእየ  ተቓውሞ ኣይነበረን።

ብተወሳኺ፡ ኮር 381 ብወገን ከሰላ ኣብቲ ጊዜ'ቲ መጥቃዕቲ ኣካይዱ ከም ዝነበረ  ዝፍለጥ ኢዩ። ግን ከምቲ ናትና መደበራት ሰራዊት ሱዳን ተቖጻጾሮም ኣይቀነዩሉን። ኣብኡ እተገብረ ጌጋታት እንተነይሩ ኣነ ነቲ ዝርዝሩ ኣይፈልጦን። ብወገንግንባርከሰላበርኩም' ሓበረታ ክህልወኩም ይኽእል። ግንከ ሕሉፍሓሊፉ ዝተማረኹ መኮንናት (ዙባጥ) በንዚን ከስኪሶም ኣብ ኣጉዶ  ብሓዊ ዘቃጸልዎም ርኢና ዝብሉ ስለ ዝሰማዕኩ፣ ካብ ሓሊፉ'ውን ናይትግረ (በንዓምር) መበቆል ዘለዎምን ኤርትራ ኣይንወግእን ብምባል ካብ ሰራዊት ሱዳን ዝሃደሙ 105 መንእሰያት'ውን በጅምላ መታን ምስጢር ህግደፍ ከይቃላዕ ኣብ ክልተጋህሲ ከም ዝተረሸኑ ትፈልጡ ከም ዘሎኹም ይስማዕ ነይሩ።  ብዘይ ገበን ኣብ ቅድሚ ዓይንና ዝተረሸኑ ብዙሓት መንእሰያትዝርኣና ምዓስ ኢና ክንዛረበሉ? ...ካልእ ዝተገብረ ቆጺርካ ዘይውዳእ ነውሪ ተሸኪምካን ሓቢእካን ምኻድ ምእንቲ ምንታይ? ምእንቲ ፍትሒ ክነግስን ሓዲሽ መድረኽ ክእቶን፡ ክንዲ ተሸከምቲ ነውርን ሰተርቲ ገበንን እንኸውን፣ ጥዋፍ ብርሃን ሓቂን ምውላዕ ንቀዳደም ክብል እፈቱ።

እቲ ብሸነኽ ኮር 271 ዝጠቐስኩዎ ገበን ኣንጻር ሰብኣውነት ዝተፈጸመ ካብ ናይ ህግደፍ ኣስካሕካሒ ግፍዒታት ሓደ ኢዩ። ብወገነይ ድቃስ ዝኸልኣኒ ጉዳይ ኰይኑ ይነብር ኣሎ። ሕጂ ብሓልዮት ሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቖመ መርማሪ ኮሚሽን ብዛዕባ እተፈጸበ ጸረ-ሰብኣውነት ህግደፍ ናይ መወዳእታ ርእይትኡ ክህብ ምዃኑ ምስ ሰማዕኩ፡ እዚ እውን ከም ኣገዳሲ ሓበሬታ ይኸውን ብማለት ኣዝርግሖ ኣለኹ። ደጊመ ክብሎ ከኣ፡- ከማይ ነዚ ዝፈልጡ፡ ወይ ዝወዓልዎ ሕጂ ግን ዘሕምሞም ከም ዘለዉ ይርድኣኒ እዩ። ኣነን ኩልና እቶም እንፈልጥን ኣብ ቅድሚት ወጺእና፡ ዋላ’ውን ብዘይቅሉዕ መንገዲ: ምስክርነትና ክንህብ ቅሩባት ክንከውን ተስፋ እገብር። ብወገነይ፡ ድማ ቅሩብነተይ አረጋግጽ። ኣውራ ድማ መርማሪ ኮምሽን፡ ካብ ወዲ ተኸስተ ጀሚሩ ናብ ላዕሊ ዘብጽሖ መርመራታት ከካይድ እምሕጸን።

ሓደ መዓልቲ ገበነኛታት ክተሓዙ ሃገርና ድማ ክሓልፈላ ካብ ዝምነ

ሓደ ኤርትራዊ ሓውኹም

Saturday, 05 March 2016 21:32

Sudan's Turabi, a veteran Islamist opposition leader

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The Sudan opposition leader Hassan al-Turabi Turabi died of a heart attack on March 5, 2016 aged 84
.

 

Khartoum (AFP) - Hassan al-Turabi, the Sudanese Islamist leader who died on Saturday, was an outspoken veteran politician who was in and out of jail over a career spanning some four decades.

The 84-year-old died of a heart attack, a medical source said.

A key figure in the regime of President Omar al-Bashir for a decade after his 1989 coup, Turabi later became one of its fiercest critics and led the opposition in urging a Tunisia-style uprising.

The authorities long accused him of having links with the most heavily armed of the rebel groups in the war-torn western region of Darfur -- the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM).

In May 2010, a month after Sudan's first competitive polls since 1986, Turabi was detained after denouncing the vote as fraudulent.

Bashir's former ally was the only Sudanese politician to support a warrant issued for the president's arrest by the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide over the regime's conduct of the conflict in Darfur.

He was also arrested in January 2009 two days after he urged Bashir to surrender to the world court.

A year earlier, Turabi was arrested after an unprecedented assault on Khartoum by the JEM, which saw the Islamist rebels reach the capital's twin city of Omdurman, just across the Nile from the presidential palace, before being repulsed with heavy losses.

- Influential ideologue -

An ideologue with influence beyond Sudan's borders, Turabi was one of the driving forces behind the introduction of Islamic sharia law in Sudan in 1983, which sparked a devastating 22-year civil war with the mainly Christian, African south that cost an estimated two million lives.

Since the 2005 peace deal which led to full independence in July 2011 for South Sudan, Turabi repeatedly warned of the wider disintegration of the largest nation in Africa and the Arab world.

The Western-educated Turabi held a master's degree in law from London and a doctorate from the Sorbonne University in Paris.

He spoke English, French and German fluently as well as Arabic, and his language skills helped him gain access to foreign news media through which he issued repeated calls for an international Islamic revolution.

Born in the eastern town of Kassala in 1932 to moderately religious parents, Turabi had his first Koranic lessons from his grandfather, the head of a Sufi order of Muslim mystics.

Wooed by the Islamists after returning from his studies abroad, he became secretary of the Charter Front, a forerunner of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan.

Arrested three times in the 1970s under president Gaafar Nimeiri, he made up with the regime to became attorney general in 1979 and was a driving force behind Nimeiri's fateful decision to impose sharia in 1983.

- Senior statesman -

After the Nimeiri dictatorship fell in 1986, Turabi formed the National Islamic Front and ran unsuccessfully in presidential polls.

In 1989, he rallied behind Bashir, then an obscure military man who had just been promoted to general, to overthrow the democratically elected government of his brother-in-law, Sadeq al-Mahdi.

As senior statesman, he became what many considered to be the real power in a country that he directed towards rigorous Islamic practices.

Sudan became a welcoming refuge for militant Islamists, including for a time Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, resulting in the regime being accused of sponsoring terrorism and its subsequent blacklisting by governments from the United States to Egypt.

Under Turabi's influence, the regime used Islam as a rallying cry to recruit ideological shock troops for its war with southern rebels during the civil war.

But in 1999 Turabi spearheaded moves to limit Bashir's powers in the culmination of a protracted power struggle, prompting the president to dissolve parliament and declare a state of emergency.

The following year he opposed Bashir's bid for re-election and broke away from the president's National Congress Party to form his own Popular Congress Party in opposition.

In February 2001, Turabi was arrested along with many of his followers after his new party signed a memorandum of understanding with the southern rebels.

He was released from house arrest in October 2003 and detained again in March 2004 after an alleged military coup in Khartoum.

In March 2014, he and Bashir met officially for the first time in 14 years, as the government reached out to opponents after calls for reform.

Source=http://news.yahoo.com/sudans-turabi-veteran-islamist-opposition-leader-191226345.html

 


March 4, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) – Eritrean government has released dozens of Ethiopians who were recently abducted by a group of armed men from Eritrea, sources told Sudan Tribune on Friday.

JPEG - 30.4 kb
Ethiopian gold miniers (Photo Ethiopian Ministry of Mining)

The kidnapped Ethiopians were freed only a few days after Addis Ababa warned to take retaliatory measures in response to the cross-border kidnappings that were carried out in the northern Tigray region bordering Eritrea.

Recently, a group of armed men dressed in the Eritrean army uniform crossed borders to Ethiopia and forcibly kidnapped over 80 Ethiopian miners who were searching Gold near the Eritrean border.

The kidnappers took the hostages to Eritrea on foot and killed two of them who tried to escape.

A government source on Friday told Sudan Tribune that Sudan, which has excellent ties with Eritrea, had played an important role in freeing the Ethiopians captives.

It said the kidnapped Ethiopians were released following Khartoum’s mounting pressure exerted on President, Isaias Afeworki, and his government.

According to the source, the group of the Ethiopians returned home via Sudan. Motives behind the kidnappings are not yet clear but people who spoke to Sudan Tribune are demanding answers from the Ethiopian government on whether the government will be committed in future to protect the gold miners and others working near the shared border.

This is not the first time such a kidnapping incident happened in the area. In 2012, Eritrean soldiers similarly crossed border into Ethiopia and kidnapped over 100 miners in the region.

Ethiopia has routinely accused arch-rival Eritrea of orchestrating a number of cross-border attacks carried out in its soil, an accusation Asmara has been denying.

The horn of African nation had previously carried out attacks on targets inside Eritrea to what Addis Ababa said was a proportional measures to Eritrea’s continued aggression including the cross-border kidnappings targeting foreign tourists.

In 1998, the two neighbours fought a two-year long war over their disputed border which has claimed the lives of at least 70,000 people.

The dispute over their border remains unresolved and forces of both sides regularly engage in lower-scale skirmishes.

Eritrea split from Ethiopia in a referendum conducted in 1993 after decades of civil war.

(ST)

Djibouti President Ismail Omar Guelleh said on Tuesday that the release of Djiboutians held in Eritrea remain the first precondition for the restart of talks to resolve a territorial dispute between his country and Eritrea, an official source said.

“The resolution of the dispute between Eritrea and my country will depend on the release of Djiboutian
soldiers,” Guelleh said on Monday in Doha during his three-day visit to Qatar, the mediator in the dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti.

President of Djibouti, Isma?l Omar Guelleh,President of Djibouti, Isma?l Omar Guelleh,The president made the remarks during his meeting with Qatar Emir Tamin Bin Hamad Al Thani in Doha.

He reminded the Emir that the refusal by Eritrea to give information on the state of the imprisoned Djiboutian soldiers was a source of “unbearable pain for their families.”

The two men agreed on the “need to end the prevailing situation of no war and no peace between Djibouti and Eritrea.”

Guelleh used the opportunity to thank the Emir of Qatar for his tireless efforts in the mediation of the dispute between Djibouti and Eritrea.

In 2008, a territorial dispute caused a three-day armed conflict between Djibouti and Eritrea. Enditem

Source: Xinhua

Source=http://www.newsghana.com.gh/author/spyghana/

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ሰላምታና ብምቕም 


ኩላትና ከም እንፈልጦ ሃገርና ኤርትራ ኣብ ድሮ ጽምብል መበል 25 ዓመት ብሩራዊ እዮቤል መዓልቲ ናጽነት እያ ትርከብ። እዚ ብረዚን ዋጋ ዝተረኽበ ናጽነት መጻወቲ ናይቲ ኣብ ስልጣን ዘሎ ውልቀ መላኽን መጋበርያታቱን ካብ ዝኸውን ርብዒ ዘመን ኣቑጺሩ ንረኽቦ። እዚ ከምዚ ኢሉ እንከሎ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ነቲ ክውን ፖለቲካዊ፡ ማሕበራውን ቁጠባውን  ምስሊ ኤርትራ ዘይመልክዑ ንምትሓዝ ነዚ ክቡር ዕለት ናብ ፕሮፖጋንዲዊ ሃልክታቱ ከውዕሎ ምሽብሻባት ኣብ ምግባር ይርከብ። ተደናገጽትን ደገፍትን እቲ ስርዓት እውን ንህግደፋዊ ምስሉይ ተንኮላት ንምዕዋት ኩሉ መዲያዊ ምድላዋትን ምቅርራብን ኣብ ምግባር ይርከቡ።

 
ንሕና ደለይቲ ፍትሕን ዯሞክራስን ዝኾንና ፖለቲካውያን ውድባት፡ በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራትን ውልቀ ሰባትን ነዚ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ወጢንዎ ዘሎ ዘመተ ብሓባርን ብሓደ ናዕታን ክንገጥሞን ከነፍሽሎን አዋናዊ ጠለብ ኣሎና። ነዚ ወፍሪ ፍሽለት ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዕውት ንምግባርን፣ ሞራልን ፍናንን ቃልሲ ህዝብና ንምብራኽን "25 ዓመት ናጽነት፡ ብዘይ ህዝባዊ ሓርነት" ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ቴማ ኩላትና ክንጥርነፍን ናይ ሓባር መኸተ ከነካይድን ሃገራውን ህዝባውን ጻውዒትና ምስ ኣኽብሮት ነቕርበልኩም። እዚ ሓሳብ ንኹሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ክፉት ኮይኑ ኩሉ ግዱስ ኤርትራዊ ሓሳቡ ከፍስሰሉ ርእይትኡ ክህበሉ፡ ካብኡ ሓሊፉ ድማ ክውንኖን ከዕውቶን እምነትና እዩ።

 
ዕላዊ ዕለት ምጅማር እዚ ጎስጓስ (campaign) ሰኑይ 14 መጋቢት 2016 ዓም ኮይኑ፥ ብዛዕባ እዚ ውጥን ንምዝርራብን ንምምኻርን ዝዓለመ ኣኼባ ኣብ ዝሓጸረ እዋን ክዲሎ መደብ ተታሒዙ ስለዘሎ፥ ናብቲ ኣኼባ ዝሳተፍ ሰብ ከተዲልውን ተሳትፎኹም ከተረጋግጹን  ኣቐዲምና ንሕብር። ንሰንበት ዕለታ 06 መጋቢት ከምኡ'ውን ሰንበት 13 መጋቢት ኣኼባ ክግበር ተወጢኑ ምህላውን፡ ሰዓትን ኣገባብ ኣኼባን ኣብ ዝሓጸረ አዋን ክንሕብር ምኻንና ነረጋግጸልኩም። ብዘሎ ጽበት ጊዜን ተዛማዲ ሰፊሕ መደብን መልስታትኩም ኣብ ዝሓጸረ መዓልታት ክትሰደልና ብትሕትና ንምሕጸን። 


ዓወት ንደላይ ለውጢ ውጹዕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ!!!
ዮናስ ሓጎስ ኣቦ መንበር (EYSC)